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Tin: SHAME or TIII: < 1 1 n:s 



M C M 1 V 


Copyright. IMJ, by 

Published, March, 1904 

Second Imprewion 


( <>\ i I:\TS 


TWEED DATS ix ST. Lovu 99 



Prrnvcio: A Cmr AIHAMCO it: 








is not a book. It ii a collection of articles 
reprint i'd from Mct'lurt't Magasme. Done as 

.:disin, they arc journalism utill, and no 
furtlu-r pn tensions are et up for them in 
new dreM. This classification may seem preten- 

fiiou^h ; certainly it would if I should con- 
fess what claims I make for my profession. But 
no matter about that; I insist upon tin- jour- 
nalism. And th. r.- is my justification for sepa- 
rating from the bound volumes of the mag .1 
and NpoUUnqg] cally without re-editing, 

my accounts as a reporter of the shame of Ameri- 
's. They were writt.n with a purpose, 
they were published serially with a purpose, and 
they are reprinted now together to further that 

purpose, which was and is to sound forJiie- 

pride of an apparently shameless citizenship. 

Tin-re must he Mich a thing, we reasoned. All 

our big boasting could not be empty vanity, nor 

our pious pretensions hollow sham. American 

. art, and business mean 

sound abilities at bottom, and our hypocrisy a 


race sense of fundamental ethic-. l'.\n in 
government we have gmn proofs of potential 
greatness, and our political failures an not 
complete ; they an- simply ridiculous. Hut they 
are ours. Not alone tin- triumphs and the states- 
iiu-n, the dtf'r, its and the grafters also r-pr 
us, and just as truly. Why not see it so and 
say it? 

Because, I heard, the American people won't 
"stand for" it. You may blame the politicians, 
or, indeed, any one class, but not all classes, not 
the people. Or you may put it on the ignorant 
foreign immigrant, or any one nationality, but 
not on all nationalities, not on the America M 
people. But no one class is at fault, nor any one 
breed, nor any particular interest or group of 
interests. The misgovernment of the American 
V>people is misgovernment by the American people. 
When I set out on my travels, an honest New 
Yorker told me honestly that I would find that the 
Irish, the Catholic Irish, were at the bottom of 
it all everywhere. The first city I went to was St. 
Louis, a German city. The next was Minneapolis, 
a Scandinavian city, with a leadership of New 
Englandcrs. Then came Pittsburg, Scotch Pres- 
byterian, and that was what my New York friend 
was. " Ah, but they are all foreign population*," 
I heard. The next city was Philadelphia, the pur- 


est American rommui , and the moat hope- 

In. tl molten I hr. d. hut the one a triumph n: 
, tin uti lcet example of good go\ 

ment that I had teen. The " fort 

i.s our tif tlu Inpo, ntn ,il In i\ u- from 

An .It conceit of our egotism U ' 

i (! -plorvH our politics and lauds our business. 

Tills l> till- Wail ..f 

Now, tit* t\; icrican < the business 

I ! luisincss man is a bad citi/m ; I,.- 

l.s IlllsV. If |l- is ji " |)i^r husinrss HUlll " Illld VlTV 

busy, he dot - . lu- is busy with pol 

nh, \ \ husinrvsliki'. I found him 

Inning boodlers in St. L.mi iin^ ^ r ..' 

in Minneapolis, ori^ <>n in Pitts 

Inir^. ^ with hosscs in I'liihidflphia, drplor- 

ing n-fnnn in Chir.i^o, and hmting good go\ 
ini-iit\\it: tion funds in New York. II 

,hteous fraud, this '{I II 

( is tin- chief source of corrupt ion, \and it \\crc a 

boon if he would iir^lirt politics. Hut he is not 
the husiness man that neglects politics; that 
worthy is the good citi/m, t d business 

man. II . too is busy, he is the one that has no use 
and th.nforc no time for politics. When his 
neglect has permitted bad government to go so 

6 THE SHA.Mi; or Tin: CITIES 

far that he can be stirred to action, he is unhappy, 
and he looks around for a cure that shall be 
quirk, so that IK- may hurry back to the shop. 
Naturally, too, when he talks politics, he talks 
shop. His patent remedy is quack ; it is business. 

"Give us a business man," he says (" like m ," 
lu- means). "Let him introduce business methods 
into politics and government ; then I .shall he left 
alone to attend to my business." 

There is hardly an office from United States 
Senator down to Alderman in any part of the 
country to which the business man has not been 
elected; yet politics remains corrupt, government 
pretty bad, and the selfish citizen has to hold him- 
<liness like the old volunteer firemen to 
rush forth at any hour, in any weather, to prevent 
the fire; and he goes out sometimes and he puts 
out the fire (after the damage is done) and he 
goes back to the shop sighing for the business 
man in politics. The business man has failed in 
politics as he has in citizenship. Why? 

Because politics is business. That's what's the ^ 
matter with it. That's what's the matter with 
everything, art, literature, religion, journalism, 
law, medicine, they're all business, and all as 
you see them. Make politics a sport, as they do in 
England, or a profession, as thev do in Germany, ' 
and we'll have well, something else than we have 


now, if we want it, nhid. is another question. 
Hut don't try tn n-f.-rn. potttMi with the banker, 
tli- law ! tin- dry-good* n r these 

arc business men ami th. n an- two great h 
neei t<> t icrcment one is that 

, hut mi better than, the 

politicians . is n.,t " thi-ir 

re are exceptions both ways. Many 
politicians have gone out into business and done 
( Tammany ex-mayors, and nearly all tin- old 
bosses of Philadelphia arc j it financiers in 

<), and bn have gone into 

politics ami done well (Mark Hanna, for ex- 
ample). They lia\ii't reformed adopted 
lea, hnv. hou^h tliry have sometimes 

sharpened tlu-m most pointedly. The politician is ' 
a Imsinrss man with a sprrialt y. ^\Vlu-n a hnsin-ss 
man of some other line learns the business of 
politics, he is a politician, and there is not much 
reform left in him. r the Tnited States 

Senate, and believe i 

The commercial spirit is the spirit of profit, 

I i^^BM -^ ^ 

not patriotism; nt not hon- dividual \ 

, not national prosp f trade and d 

t-rin^, not principle. " My business is sacred," 

says the hu-iness man in his heart. "What. 

prospers my business, is good ; it must be. What- 
liinders it, is wrong; it must be. A bribe if 


had, thai i>, it is a im<l tiling to take; hut it is not 
^^ so had to rivr our, not if it is necessary to my 

business." " Business is husincss "" is not a politi- 
cal s.ntiment, hut our politician lias caught it. 
He takes essentially the same view of the bribe, 
only he saves his self-respect by piling all his 
contempt upon the bribe-gnrer, and he has tin- 
great advantage of candor. " It is wrong, 
maybe," he says, "but if a rich merchant can 
afford to do business with me for the sake of a 
convenience or to increase his already ^, 
wealth, I can afford, for the sake of a living, to 
meet him half way. I make no pretensions to 
virtue, not even on Sunday." And as for giving 
bad government or good, how about the merchant 
who gives bad goods or good goods, according to 
the demand? 

^ But there is hope, not alone despair, in the com- 
S /mercialism of our politics. If our political leaden 

arc to he always a lot of political merchants, they 
will supply any demand we may create. All we 
have to do is to establish a steady demand for 
good government. The boss has us split up 
into parties. To him parties arc nothing but 
means to his corrupt ends. He " bolts " his party, 
but we must not ; the bribe-giver changes his party, 
from one election to another, from one county 
to another, from one city to another, but the 


voter mu* Why? Because if the 

honest voter cared no more for hi* party than the 
dan and the grafter, then tl.. honest vote 
would govern, and that would be bad for graft. 
It ih ii to a machine that is 

used to take our sovereignty from us. If we 
would leave parties to the politicians, and would 
'I- tin- party, not even for men, but for 
UK! the - d the nation, HI s|,iul<l 

ml. p.irti. -s, and cities, and States, and nation. If 
we would vot IBS on the more promising 

it th. two arc equally bad, would throw 
out tlu- jmrty that is in, and wait till tin- ne\t clcc- 
ind tlun throw out the other party that is 
in then, I say, tin- commercial politician would 
feel a demand for good government and he would 
supply it. That process would take a generation 
or more to complete, for the politicians now r 
do not know what good government is. But it 
has taken as long to develop bad government, and 
the politicians know what that is. If it would 
not " go," they would offer something else, and, if 
the demand were steady, they, being so commer- 

. would "deliver tin- goods." 
But do the people want good government? 

Tamil. i:,\ -a\ tl.. v don't. Arc the people 
honest? Arc the people hitt.r than Tamma 
An th.\ h.tNr th.m the merchant and the poli- 

tician? Isn't our corrupt government, after all, 

President Uooscvdt ha< h,-. n snr.nd at for 
going about the country pn ; idling, as a cure for 
our American evils, good conduct in tin- indi- 
vidual, simple honesty, courage, and efficiency. 
M Platitudes!" the sophisticated say. Platitudes- 
If my observations have been true, the literal 
adoption of Mr. Roosevelt's reform scheme would 
result in a revolution, more radical and terrible to 
existing institutions, from the Congress to the 
Church, from the bank to the ward organization, 
than socialism or even than anarchy. Why, that 
would change all of us not alone our neighbors, 
not alone the grafters, but you and me. 

No, the contemned methods of our d. >j>i>d poli- 
tics are the master methods of our braggart busi- 
ness, and the corruption that shocks us in public 
affairs we practice ourselves in our private con- 
cerns. There is no essential difference between the 
pull that gets your wife into society or a favorable 
w for your book, and that which gets a 
heeler into office, a thief out of jail, and a rich 
man's son on the board of directors of a curpra 
tion; none between the corruption of a labor 
union, a bank, and a political machine; none be- 
tween a dummy director of a trust and the cau- 
cus-bound member of a legislature; none between 

i\ I UMiircTION 11 

a labor boss like 8am Parks, a bon of bank* like 

Her, a DOM of railroads like . I i 
Morgan, and a political ho** like Matthew 8. 
Quay. The boss ii not a political, he is an Amen- 

And H T all a moral weakness; a weakness right 
where we think we arc strongest. Oh, we are 
good on Sunday, and we are " fearfully pa- 
on the Fourth of July. Hut the bribe we 
pay to th. janitor to prefer our interests t< 
landlopers, is the little brotht r <>f tin- bribe passed 
to the alderman to sell a city street, and the father 
of the air-brake stock assigned to the president 
of a railroad to have this life-saving invention 
adopted on his road. And as for graft, railroad 
passes, saloon and bawdy-house blackmail, and 
watered stock, all these belong to the same family. 
We are pathetically proud of our democratic in- 
.stitutions and our n publican form of govcrni 
of our grand Constitution and our just laws. We 
are a free and sovereign people, we govern our- 
selves and the government is ours. But that is the 
point. We are responsible, not our leaders, since 
we follow them. We let them divert our loyalty 
from the Tnited States to some " party "; we let 
them boss the party and turn our mm i nioc- 

racies into autocracies and our republican na- 

12 THE SHAMi: or Till. CITIES 
tion into a plutocracy. We cheat our government 
and \\ I* t our leaders loot it, and we let tlum 
die and bribe our sovereignty from us. True, 
they pass for us strict laws, but we are content to 
Irt llniii pass also bad laws, giving away public 
property in exchange; and our good, and often 
impossible, laws we allow to lx UM <1 t Or oppression 
and blackmail. And what can we say? We 
break our own laws and rob our own government, 
tin- lady at the custom-house, the lyncher with 
his rope, and the captain of industry with his 
bribe and his rebate. The spirit of graft and 
of lawlessness is the American spirit. 

And this shall not be said? Not plainly? Wil- 
liam Travers Jerome, the fearless District At- 
torney of New York, says, " You can say any- 
thing you think to the American people. If you 
are honest with yourself you may be honest with 
them, and they will forgive not only your candor, 
but your mistakes." This is the opinion, and the 
experience too, of an honest man and a hopeful 
democrat. Who says the other things? Who 
says "Hush," and "What's the use?" and 
"ALL'S well," when all is rotten? It is the 
grafter; the coward, too, but the grafter inspires 
the coward. The doctrine of " addition, division, 
and silence " is the doctrine of graft. " Don't 
hurt the party," " Spare the fair fame of the 


," are boodle yells. The Fourth of July ora- 

i^riift. i * no pa- 

tMBI in it, hut tnaxiin. It is part of tin- 
game. The grafter* call for rhn-rs for tin flag, 

it as a I 

wayman commands " hanclji up," and while we 

are waving and Minuting, they float the flag from 

nation to the party, turn both into ^nift fac- 

I, and proxj. to a sp boom to 

make " weak hands," as the Wall Street phrase 

has it, hold tin \\ stock while the strong 
hands keep the prop* Blame us, blame any- 

body, but praise the poo; ^ the politician's 

advice, is not the counsel of respect for the people, 
hut of contt-n.|>t. By just such palavering a* 
courtiers play upon the degenerate int. ll.cts of 
weak kings, the bosses, political, financial, and in- 
dustrial, arc befuddling and befooling our sov- 
ereign American :ip; and likewise they 
are corrupting it. 

i it is corrupt ihlr, this riti/mxhip. " I know 
what Parks is doing," said a New York union 
workman, " but what do I care. He has raised 
my wages. Let him have his graft!" I the 

Philadelphia merchant says the same tiling: 

leaders may be getting more than 

they should out of the city, but that doesn't hurt 

me. It may raise taxes a little, but I can stand 


. Tin- partv keeps up the protective tariff. 
If tlwt u.i. cut down, my business would ho 
ruined. So long a- the party stands pat on that, I 
stand pat on the party." 

The people are not innocent. That is the only 
^** news " in all the journalism of these articles, 
and no doubt that was not new to many observers. 
It was to me. When I set out to describe the ror- 
rupfljyslems of certain typical citic*, I meant to 
show simply how the people dm-m-d and be- 
trayed. But in the very first study St. Louis 
the startling truth lay bare that corruption was 
not merely political; it was financial, commercial, 
social; the ramifications of boodle were so complex, 
various, and far-reaching, that one mind could 
hardly grasp them, and not even Joseph W. Folk, 
the tireless prosecutor, could follow them all. This 
state of things was indicated in the first article 
which Claude H. Wetmore and I compiled to- 
gether, but it was not shown plainly enough. Mr. 
Wetmore lived in St. Louis, and he had r -pect 
for names which meant little to me. But when I 
went next to Minneapolis alone, I could see more 
independently, without respect for persons, and 
there were traces of the same phenomenon. The 
first St. Louis article was called " Tw. . d DM v- in 
St. Louis," and though the "better citizen" re- 
ceived attention the Tweeds were the center of 


att In "The Shame of fttuuiejLpolis," the 
truth was put into the- title; it was the Shame 
of Minneapolis; not of the Ames adminutm 
Tweeds, but of the city and it 
lima. Ami N.t Minneapolis was not nearly so bad 
as 8t. Louis; police graft is never so universal 
as boodle. It is more nho king, hut it is so filthy 
that >t involve so large a part of so* 

So I returned to St. Louis, and I went over tin- 
whole ground again, the people in mind, not 
alone the caught ai ! boodlers. And 

tinu td. true meaning of " Tweed days in 

Ixmis" was made plain. The article was 
calh . Shamelessness of St. I and that 

was tin- Imrdrn of the story. In I'ittsburfl^also 
tin- |>eople was the suhjrct, and though tin- ci\ic 

' there was b-tt. . \tent of the corrup- 

tion throughout the social org . :i of the 

community was i !. Rut it was n9^ till I 

got to IMul.'i(lrl]>hia that thr possihJliti.-s of popu- 
lar corruption wm- work. d out to the limit of 

the place* for 

such a stud' re is nothing lik<- it in the 

country, \cept possihly, in Cincinnati. Phila- 
(K-lphia certainly is not merely corrupt, but cor- 
rupted, and this was made < 1< ar. Philadelphia was 
charged up to the American citi/.-n. 

It was impoihlf in the space of a magazine ar- 

16 Tin: sn AMI: or Tin: UTIKS 

tide to OOVer in any one city all tin- phases of mu- 
nicipal gov rmuent, so I chose cities that typified 
most strikingly some particular phase or phases. 
Thus as St. Louis exemplified bowlle : Minneapolis, 
police graft ; Pittslmrg, a political and industrial 
machine; and Philadelphia, general civic corrup- 
tion ; so Chicago was an illustration of reform, and 
New York of good government. All these things 
occur in most of these places. There nre, and 
long have been, reformers in St. Louis, and there 
is to-day police graft there. Minneapolis has 
had boodling and council reform, and boodling is 
breaking out there again. Pittsburg has gen- 
eral corruption, and Philadelphia a very perfect 
political machine. Chicago has police graft and 
a low order of administrative and general corrup- 
tion which permeates business, labor, and society 
generally. As for New York, the metropolis 
might exemplify almost anything that occurs any- 
where in American cities, but no city has had for 
many years such a good administration as was 
that of Mayor Seth Low. 

That which I have made each city stand for, is 
that which it had most highly developed. It 
would be absurd to seek for organized reform 
in St. Louis, for example, with Chicago next door ; 
or for graft in Chicago with Minneapolis so near. 
After Minneapolis, a description of admini*trativc 


corruption m Chicago would have teemed like a 
repetition. Perhaps it was not juit to treat 
the conspicuous element in each situation. But 
why should I be just? I was not judging; I arro- 
gated to myself no such function. I was not 

tig about Chicago for Chicago, but for 
other cities, so I picked out what light each had 
!i- instruction of the others. But, if I was 
compl. ' I vcr exaggerated. .Every one 

of tl.o - urtlcT. . uas in :' ! r ' ,t, :,,, rsp,.ri:illy 

ish other cities, it disappointed the city which was 
its subject Thus my friends in Philadelphia, 

knew what there was to know, and those espe- 
cial ly who knew what I knew, expressed surprise 
that I (! so little. And one St. Louis newt- 

paper said that " the facts were thrown at me and 
I fell down over them." There was truth in these 
flings. I cut twenty thousand words out of the 
lMiil;uM|)!)i:i article and vt I had not half 

Ida, I know a man who is making a history 

he corrupt construction of the IMiilad. Iphia 

Hull, in thnr volumes, and lie grieves because 

he lacks spare. You can't put all the known inci- 

I of the corruption of an American city into 
a book. 

This is all very unscientific, hut then, I am not 


a scientist. I am a journalist. I did not gather 
with indifference all the facts and arrange them 
patiently for permanent preservation and labora- 

tory analysis. I did not want to preserve. [ 
wanted to destroy the facts. My purpose was no 
more scientific than the spirit of my investigation 
and reports ; it was, as I said above, to see if the 
shameful facts, spread out in all their shame, 
would not burn through our civic shamelessncss 
and set fire to American pride. That was the 
journalism of it. I wanted to move and to con- 
vince. That is why I was not interested in all 
the facts, sought none that was new, and rejected 
half those that were old. I often was asked to 
expose something suspected. I couldn't ; and why 
should I? Exposure of the unknown was not my 
purpose. The people: what they will put up 
with, how they are fooled, how cheaply they are 
bought, how dearly sold, how easily intimidated, 
and how led, for good or for evil that was the 
inquiry, and so the significant facts were those' 

( only which everybody in each city knew, and of 
these, only those which everybody in every other 

' town would recognize, from their common knowl- 
edge of such things, to be probable. But these, 
understated, were charged always to the guilty 
persons when individuals were to blame, and finally 
brought home to the people themselves, who, hav- 

!\ I IvMDI , I ION 1'J 

tli.- pnu r, have also the responsibil 
an. I those they respect, und thoM- tlmt guide them. 
as against all tin- warnings and rules of 
dWiflsTfrsTy* What was the result? 

\plored and ex- 
posed, with t 'ondliiif' (if St. Ixwis, 

>n. "Tweed Days i 

1 s M is said to hnv fun mil some public ft 
inent against the boodlcr-, hut the local new*- 
papers had more to do with that than Met' I 
Magaziti ir Minneapolis gr.i 

had exposed and the cour the com- 

mon juries had < I tin- ^r.ift. TS th-re, an 

showed that puhlic opinion was formed. 
Hut that one tWtion was regarded as final. V 
I went tlu-rr tin- men who had !<! tin reform n 
mi-lit all thnui^li had read 

tin- " Sham, of Minneapolis," however, they went 
back to work, and they have perfected a plan to 
keep tin citi/ms infoiiin.1 and to continue the 
fight for good govt rniiitnt. They saw, these un 
ninhit ions, busy citizens, that it was " up to t ' 
and thry rvsumrd tin- unwelconx of tln-ir 

M>hi|i. Of resentnu-nt was very littlr. 
iiu-ftin^ of l.-adin^ citi/m* tlicn- wrn- lionqst 
speeches suggesting that something should be said 
to " clear the name of Minn, apolis," hut one man 
TOM and said very pleasantly, hut firmly, that the 


article was true; it was pn-tty hard on tlu-in, but 
it was true and they all kne\\ it. That ended that. 

When I returned to St. Louis and rewrote tin 
facts, and, in rewriting, inadr them just as insult 
ing as the truth would permit, my friends there 
expressed dismay OUT the manuscript. The 
article would hurt Mr. Folk: it \\ould hurt the 
cause; it would arouse popular wrath. 

44 That was what I hoped it would do," I said. 

"But the indignation would break upon Folk 
and reform, not on the boodlcrs," they said. 

" Wasn't it obvious," I asked, " that this very 
title, ' ShamelesMiess/ was aimed at pride; that 
it implied a faith that there was self-respect to 
be touched and shame to be moved ? " 

That was too subtle. So I answered that if 
they had no faith in the town, I had, and anyway, 
if I was wrong and the people should resent, not 
the crime, but the exposure of it, then they would 
punish, not Mr. Folk, who had nothing to do with 
the article, but the magazine and me. NY\\ ^paper 
men warned me that they would not " stand for " 
the article, but would attack it. I answered that 
I would let the St. Louisans deride between us. It 
was true, it was just; the people of St. Louis had 
shown no shame. Here was a good chance to see 
whether they had any. I was a fool, they said. 

"All right," I replied "All kings had fools i n 

ivnmnn i [ON 21 

the olden days, anl th. f.,,l> . r. allowed to 1. 11 

th, truth. 1 u.-uM piny the fool to the 

p,pl, ." 

Tin- iff lihfl, liencws- 

paperii; t 

Folk hims.lf Hpoke up for tl Leading 

.used m a man meet " set 

tin- uorli." Tin- nuivor of 
t v, a most lAci-llcnt 111:111, who had luljMil 
denouii*. (I tin- art id- I l)oo<llr party plat- 

form -r vote* on tin- >tn-ntli of 

b in " l'..i^' rn maga/i Tlu- p- 

themselves cot: <1 me; aftr the puhlic.r 

two liinnlr-l thoii^aiul huttons i " l')lk and 
Reform " urrc worn on the streets of St. L<> 

Hut thosr huttons were for M and Krform." 

! did go to provr that tin- article was wrong, 

I was pridr in St. Loui-, hut .>ved 

also that that pridr had UH-M touched. Up to 

that timr noln.l\ kiu-u < \artly how St. Louis felt 

about it all. Tin r. 1....I !.- 'ion, aii- 

;, and the hoodlers, caught < 
be caught, pen in control. 1 
made no movr to dislod^,. them. Mr. Folk's 
did labors were a sp. ithout a chorus, 

and, though I had rnrt mm who told me the people 

with Folk, I had mot also the graf' 
who cursed only Folk an> .uilding all tlu-ir 


hopes on the assumption that "after Folk's 
term" all would be well again. Between these 
two local views no outsider could choose. How 
could I read a strange people's hearts? I took 

tlie outside \ie\v, stated the facts hnth ways, the 
right verdicts of the juries and the confident plans 
of the hoodlers, and the n-Milt was, indeed, a 
shameless state of affairs for which St. Louis, the 
people of St. Louis, were to blame. 

And they saw it so, both in the city and 
in the State, and they ceased to be specta- 
tors. That article simply got down to the s,-lf- 
respect of this people. And who was hurt? Not 
St. Louis. From that moment the city has been 
determined and active, and boodle stems to he 
doomed. Not Mr. Folk. After that, hN nomination 
for Governor of the State was (Iceland for h\ tin- 
people, who formed Folk clubs all over the State to 
force him upon his party and theirs, and thus in- 
sure the pursuit of the boodlers in St. Louis and 
in Missouri too. Nor was the maga/ine hurt, or 
myself. The next time I went to St. Louis, t In- 
very men who had raised money for the mass meet- 
ing to denounce the article went out of their way 
to say to me that I had been right, the article 
was true, and they a.sked me to "do it again." 
And there may be a chance to do it again. Mr. 
Folk lifted the lid off Missouri for a moment after 

i\ i I;M|,I , i ION *i 

i the also appeared ripe for the 

^athcriiitf. Moreo\er, tin- hoodlers of State ami 

nod to l>< i-.ople ami keep them 

down I isivc election is not till the- fall 

ti> boodtart count much on the fi 

new of puhlic opinion. Hut I 1 hat lib- 

sour Louis together will pr..\. then, once 

for all, t people can ruk- when they arc 

IMtxhurtf article had no effect in I 1 
hurtf, nor had that on Philadelphia any results in 
Philadelphia. Nor wa* anj I 

, as I saiii in tin- art !!, knew itsrlf, and may 
pull out of its disgrace, hut Philadelphia is r,n 
tented and seems hopeless. Th- accounts of them, 
however, and indnd, as I luivc said, all in the 
aeries, w tlu titles described, 

but for all our rit !.; ami the most immediate re- 
sponses came not from places described, but from 
otluni where similar evils existed or similar action 
was n d. d. Thus Chicago, intent on its troubles; 

d useless to it the study >f its reform, which 
seems to have been suggt- and 

Philadelphia, "Corrupt and < Was 

i home in othi r cities and seems to have made 
most lasting impression everywhere. 
But of m^ihle results are few. The 

real triumph of the year's work was the complete 

24 Tin: SIIA.MI: OF Tin; crni.s 

demount ration it has ^,i\.n. in a thousand little 
ways, that our shamelessness is superficial. Hiat 
beneath it lies a pride \\hich, bein<;- real, may save 
us yet. And it is real. The grafters who -aid 
you may put the blame anyu hen- hut on the pen 
pie, where it belongs, and that Americans can he 
moved only by flattery, they lied. They lied 
about themselves. They, too, arc American <iti 
zcns; they too, are of the people; and some of 
them also were reached by shame. The ^ 
truth I tried to make plain was that which Mr. 
Folk insists so constantly upon: that bribery is 
no ordinary felony, but treason, that tin " cor 
nipt ion which breaks out here and there and now 
and then " is not an occasional offense, but a 
common practice, and that the effect of it is lit- 
erally to change the form of our government 
from one that is representative of the people to 
an oligarchy, representative of special interests. 
Some politicians have seen that this is so, and it 
bothers them. I think I prize more highly than 
any other of my experiences the half-dozen times 
when grafting politicians I had " roasted," as 
they put it, called on me afterwards to say, in 
the words of one who spoke with a wonderful 
solemnity : 

" You are right. I never thought of it that 
way, but it's right. I don't know whether you 


can do anything, but \ -ht f dead ri^M. 

And I'., \\ ' . I 

d.Mi't see how we can stop it now; I don't sec how 
I can change. I can't, I guess. No v I can't . 
now. But, nay, I may be able to h.lp \<>n. 

I will if I can. YIMI can I 

So you see, they are not such had fellows, these 

' politicians. I Mi I could ti-11 more 

about thrin : how tli. helped me; how can- 

. and un.scltishl v ' assisted me to facts 

and an understanding of tl ch, as I 

warned them, as they km-\\ wi-11, were to be used 

ist thrm. If I could and I will some day 

I should show that one of the surest hopes we 

have is tin- politician hints. If. Ask him for good 

politics; punish )ii m \vlu-n In- gives bad. ward 

him win i s good; make politics pay. Now, 

hf savs, you don't knou and \ on don't car*, and 
that YOU must he tl.i 4 I and t 

I say, he is uron^. I did not flatter anybody; 
I told tin truth as near as I could get it, 
and instead of resentment there was encourage- 
nun' The Shame of Minneapn 

" The Shamclessness of St. Louis," not >nl <- 

ies approve, hu is of 

other cities, individuals, groups, and orga' 
tions, sent in invitations, hundreds of them. 
come and show us up ; we're worse than they arc." 

!2(i llli: SHAME OF THE CITI1 > 

We Americans may have failed. We may be 
enary and selfish. Democracy with us may 
be impossible and corruption inevitable, but these 
articles, if they have proved nothing else, have 
demonstrated beyond doubt that we can stand the 
truth; that there is pride in the character of 
American citizenship; and that this pride may be 
a power in the land. So this little volume, a 
record of shame and yet of self-respect, a dis- 
graceful confession, yet a declaration of honor, 
is dedicated, in all good faith, to the accused 
to all the citizens of all the cities in the United 

NEW YORK, December, 1903. 

I \\ 1.1.1) \)\\ S 1\ .1 


(October. 1902) 

IAUTIS, the fourth dtv in size in the I'r 
States, is making two announcement* to the world : 
on.- that it N tin- worst-govcr Und; 

t it wishes nil mm to come then 

It i.n't our worst- 
governed ritv; Philadelphia is that. 
Louis is worth examining while we have it inside 


There is a man at work there, one man, work- 
ing all alone, hut he is the Cn 
State) Attorney, and he is " doing his duty.' 9 
Th .it is what thousands of district attorneys and 
: piih lie officials have promised to do and 
boasted of doing. This man has a literal sort of 
mind. li. is A thin-lipped, firm-mouthed, dark 
little man, who never raises his voice, but goes 
d doing, with a smiling eye and a set jaw, 
-imple thing he said he would do. The 
and reputable citizens who asked him 
to run urged him when he d i -lined. When he said 
d he would have to do his duty, they 
said, '* Of course." So he ran, they supported 


him, and he was elected. Now some of these poli- 
ticians arc sentenced to the pcniti -ntiary, sonic an 
in Mexico. The Circuit Attorney, finding that his 
" dut v " was to catch and convict criminal*, and 
that the biggest criminals were some of thex- 
same politicians and leading citi/ens, went after 
them. It is magnificent, but the politicians do- 
rian- it isn't politics. 

The corruption of St. Louis came from the top. 
The best citizens the merchants and big finan- 
ciers used to rule the town, and they ruled it 
wdl. They set out to outstrip Chicago. The 
commercial and industrial war between tin ^e two 
cities was at one time a picturesque and dramatic 
spectacle such as is witnessed only in our country. 
Business men were not mere merchants and tin- 
politicians were not mere grafters; the two kinds 
of citizens got together and wielded tin- power of 
banks, railroads, factories, the prestige of the 
city, and the spirit of its citizens to gain busings 
and population. And it was a close race. Chi- 
cago, having the start, always led, but St. Louis 
had pluck, intelligence, and tremendous energy. 
It pressed Chicago hard. It excelled in a sense 
of civic beauty and good government; and there 
are those who think yet it mi^ht have won. Hut 
a change occurred. Public .spirit became private 
spirit, public enterprise became private greed. 

1 \\ I ID DAYS l\ - I :il 

Along about 1890, public franchm* and |>i 
leges were sought, i,..t ,,<A\ i.,r I. - profit 

and common, hut for loot. Tilling 
(I always selfish interest in the public 
count -jK, tin- hi^ r I'"-" misused politics. The riff- 
raff, rat filing the smell of corruption, rushed into 
1 AlMnbly 9 dbOfft OOi tin- remaining 
respectable i; : M>ld tin- city its streets, its 

wharves, its markets, and all that it had to the 
now greedy business men and hrilx rs. In other 

words, when thr leading nun he^an to devour 
own citv, tin- lu-rd rushed into tin trough and fed 


So gradually has this occurred that these tame 
us hardly n.ili/i it. (io t ft Louis and 
you will find the habit of d in them ; they 

still boast. The visitor is told of the wealth of 
I, of the financial strength of the 
banks, and of the growing importance of tl 
dust i he sees poorlv j> foM hunlened 

tt, and dusty or mud covered alleys; he passes 
i.sliaekle lire trap crowded with the sick, and 
learns that it is the City Hospital; h< nt. rs the 
r Com I his nostrils are greeted by 

of formaldehyde used AS A disinfectant, 
ami insect powder spread to destroy vermin; he 
calls at the new City Hall, and finds half the en- 
trance boarded with pmc planks to cover up the 


unfinished interior. Finally, he turns a tap in the 
hotel, to see liquid mud flow into wash-basin or 

The St. Louis charter vests legislative power of 
great scope in a Municipal Assembly, which is 
composed of a council and a House of Delegates. 
Here is a description of the latter by one of Mr. 
Folk's grand juries: 

" We have had before us many of those who 
have been, and most of those who are now, mem- 
bers of the House of Delegates. We found a 
number of these utterly illiterate and lacking in 
ordinary intelligence, unable to give a Ixttcr 
reason for favoring or opposing a measure than 
a desire to act with the majority. In some, no 
trace of mentality or morality could be found; 
in others, a low order of training appeared, united 
with base cunning, groveling instincts, and sordid 
desires. Unqualified to respond to the ordinary 
requirements of life, they are utterly incapable 
of comprehending the significance of an ordinatu , 
and are incapacitated, both by nature and train- 
ing, to be the makers of laws. The choosing of 
such men to be legislators makes a travesty of 
justice, sets a premium on incompetency, and 
deliberately poisons the very source of the 

These creatures were well organized. They had 

I \\ I I 1) D\VS IN ST. LOUIS *i 

a "combine** a kgUfttta institution which 
tin- ^r.ind jury described as follows: 

" Our in \eatigation, covering more or less fully 
a period of ten years, shows that, with few excep- 
tions, no ordinance hn* been passed wherein val- 
uable privileges or franchises are granted until 
those interested have paid the legislator* tin- 
money demanded for act inn in tin- jn case. 
-. in both branches of the Municipal As- 
sembly are formed by members sufficient in number 
to control legislation. To one member of this 
comhinr IN <! 1 ^.itrd tin- authority to act for the 
I to receive and to distribute to each 
member tin- money agreed upon an the price of his 
in support of, or opposition to, a pending 
measure. So long has this practice existed that 
such members have come to regard the receipt of 
money for action on pending measures as a legiti- 
mate perquisite of a legislaf 

One legislator consulted a lawyer with the in 
tuition of suing a firm to recover an unpaid bal- 
ance on a fee for the grant of a switch-way, 
difficulties rarely occurred, howev.r. In 
order to insure a regular and indisputable revenue, 
the combine of each house drew up a schedule of 
bribery prices for all possible sorts of grants, just 
such a list as a conum T takes out on 

the road \v it h him. Tiurc was a price for a grain 

elevator, a price for a short switch ; side tracks 
were charged for l>\ tin- linear foot, but at rates 
\shich varied according to tin- nature of the 
ground taken; a street improv. m< nt cost so much ; 
wharf space was classified and precisely rated. As 
tli. re was a scale for favorable legislation, so 
there was one for defeating bills. It made a dif- 
ference in the price if there was opposition, and it 
made a difference whether the privilege asked was 
legitimate or not. But nothing was passed free 
of charge. Many of the legislators were saloon- 
keepers it was in St. Louis that a practical joker 
nearly emptied the House of Delegates by tipping 
a boy to rush into a session and call out, " Mister, 
your saloon is on fire," but even the saloon- 
keepers of a neighborhood had to pay to keep in 
their inconvenient locality a market which public 
interest would have moved. 

From the Assembly, bribery spread into other 
departments. Men empowered to issue peddlers' 
licenses and permits to citizens who wished to erect 
awnings or use a portion of the sidewalk for stor- 
age purposes charged an amount in excess of the 
prices stipulated by law, and pocketed the differ- 
ence. The city's money was loaned at interest, 
and the interest was converted into private bank 
accounts. City carriages were used by the wives 
and children of city officials. Supplies for public 


found th. ir way to private table*; one 
ized account of food funiUhed the poorhouie 
indud. d < I- Hi- -, imported cheeses, and 

French wines! A memtx i Assembly caused 

ii of a grocery company, with his 

Mill* iilld daughters th.- nst, I, Mill. st.M kh-.Id. fs, 

and succeeded in having his i 
accept <(! although the figures were in excess of hit 
competitor*'. In n-turn for th, favor thus shown, 
idorsed a measure to award the contract for 
tiii^ to another member, and these two 
1 aye on a bill granting to a third the ex- 
clusive right to fiim Mi i-ity dispensaries with 

Men ran into deljt to the extent of thousands of 
dollars for the sake of < 1 ti<>n to ,-ither branch of 
the AsseinMv. ()iu- ni^ht, on a street < fig to 

thr ( II ill, a lu-w member remarked that tin- 
nii-krl he handnl th. conductor was his last. The 
IH -\t d.-iv lu deposited $5,000 in a savings bank. 
A in. ml HI- of tin House of Delegates adm 
to thr (ir.ind .lurv that his dividends from the 
i>< in tted $25,000 in one year; a Council- 
man stated tint he was paid $50,000 for his vote 
on a single measure. 

Bribery was a joke. A newspaper reporter 
o\< rhrard this COIIM rsation one evening in the cor- 
r of the ( its Hall: 


"Ah th<n, my boodler!" said Mr. Dele- 

"Stay there, my grafter!" replied Mr. Coun- 
cilman. " Can you lend me a hundred for a day 
or two?" 

"Not at present. But I can spare it if the 
Z hill goes through to-night. Meet me at 
p ' 8 later." 

"All right, my jailbird; Til l>< th. , 

The blackest years wnv 1S<)S, ls<}<), and 1 <)<)<). 
Foreign corporations came into tin city to share 
in its despoliation, and home industries were 
driven out by blackmail. Franchises worth mil- 
lions were granted without one cent of cash to the 
city, and with provision for only the smallest fu- 
ture payment; several companies which refused 
to pay blackmail had to leave; citizens were robbed 
more and more boldly; pay-rolls were padded with 
the names of non-existent persons; work on public 
improvements was neglected, while money for them 
went to the boodlers. 

Some of the newspapers protested, disinterested 
citizens were alarmed, and the shrewder men gave 
warnings, but none dared make an effective stand. 
Behind the corruptionists were men of wealth 
and social standing, who, because of special priv- 
ileges granted them, felt bound to support and 
defend the looters. Independent victims of the 

TWI.U) DAN- I\ VI U)UIS :i7 

fispiracy Mihmitt.-d in silence, 

tl.n.u-l, injur\ ImtfineM. Men 

whoh- WAS never questioned, who held 

l.i^li position-, of trust, who wen- rhurrh member* 

ami ' 8 . ItUfteS, Coiiti . the 

Mipj. . <l\ nast \ , became hlurknmilrr 

ami t ujis tha' .ii.l tin- 

if they pro\.l tin lAn-ption it 
would work tin ir ruin. Tlu- system I 
tln-Mii-li lie. use and ]>1< ntv till it WAS as wild and 
weak as that of Tweed in NYw \ .rk. 

Tlu-M tli,- un.Api-ctMl happened an a 
There WAS no uprising of tl- jx-opl. , hut th.-v 
I the D ic party tauiers, 

think MIIIK- ituli|M iid* tit votes, df 

to rHi^ tin- , ,i put up a ticket of 

ildatrs difl'i-n-nt enough from the UHiml 
ingS of political partirs to give color to ' 
platform. T)i< x<- leaders were not in earnest. 
< was little dill .-tui-.-u tin- two par- 

luit tin- rascals that u<n- in 

l>een tin ^r. at. r share of the spoils, and 

tin "outs" wanted more tlmn WAS given to 
i. " Boodle " was not the issue, no exposures 
were made or threat. I the bosses expected 

to control their in. -n Dimply as part of 

the game, the l).inn<r.iU raised the slogan, "re- 
form " and " no more QegenhetB 


Mayor /u genhein, called " Uncle Henry," was 
a " good fellow," " one of the boys," and though 
it was during his administration that the city 
grew ripe and went to rot, his opponents talked 
only of incompetence and neglect, and repeated 
such stories as that of his famous reply to some 
citi/ens who complained because certain stint 
lights were put out: " You have the moon yet 
ain't it?" 

When somebody mentioned Joseph W. Folk for 
Circuit Attorney the leaders were ready to accept 
him. They didn't know much about him. He was 
a young man from Tennessee ; had been President 
of the Jefferson Club, and arbitrated the railroad 
strike of 1898. But Folk did not want the place. 
He was a civil lawyer, had had no practice at the 
criminal bar, cared little about it, and a lucrative 
business as counsel for corporations was interest- 
ing him. He rejected the invitation. The com- 
mittee called again and again, urging his duty 
to his party, and the city, etc. 

" Very well," he said, at last, " I will accept the 
nomination, but if elected I will do my duty. 
There must be no attempt to influence my actions 
when I am called upon to punish lawbreakers." 

The committeemen took such statements as the 
conventional platitudes of candidates. They nom- 
inated him, the Democratic ticket was elected, and 

T\\ i ID DAYB i\ M U)UIS :i.) 
I'd k became (in mt Attorney i ;hth Mis- 

souri Distn 

Tim weeks after taking the oath of office his 
campaign pledges were put t<> tin t, >t. A number 
of arrests had been mad with tin- 

recent election, and churls of illegal n-j. 
were preferred against men of . 
Folk took tin-in nj like routine cases of ordinary 

crime. Political bossrs rushed to the rescue. 
M Folk was remind. .I nt l,i> <lut\ to }\i^ party, 
and told that li. IfM . \j,, , t. ,1 to OOOftnM the law 
in MI. 'imrthat i, |>. it. TN iintl otlu-r ! 

rrimiiiaN \vl>o had Imixt.-d 1 ) 

rt him nii^ht 1- rith.-r discharged <>: 
tin- niiiiiiiuun puiiishnu it. 'I :ri- of the 

young lawyer's n-j)l\ from tin- 

words of th.i' si political IradtT, Colon- 

Hutl.-r, who. \isit to Mr. Folk, wrathfully 

1, " I) n .Jo.-! hr thinks he's the whole 
thing as Circuit Attorney." 

The election cases were passed through the 
courts with astonishing rapidity ; no more mercy 
was shown Democrats than Republicans, and be- 
fore winter came a number of ward heelers and old- 
timo party workers were In-hind the bars in Jef- 
ferson Citv. Ilr next turned his attention to 
grafters and straw bondsmen with whom the 
courts were infested, and several of these leeches 

40 II IK SHAME OF THE ( nil S 
arc in the penitent iarv to-day. The business was 
broken up because of bis activity. But Mr. Folk 
had made little more than the beginning. 

One afternoon, late in January, 1903, a 
newspaper reporter, known as " Red " Galvin, 
called Mr. Folk's attention to a ten-line news- 
paper item to the effect that a large sum of money 
had been placed in a bank for the purpose of brib- 
ing certain Assemblymen to secure the passage of 
a street railroad ordinance. No names were men- 
tioned, but Mr. Galvin surmised that the bill re- 
ferred to was one introduced on behalf of the Sub- 
urban Railway Company. An hour later Mr. 
Folk sent the names of nearly one hundred persons 
to the sheriff, with instructions to subpoena them 
before the grand jury at once. The list included 
Councilmen, members of the House of Delegates, 
officers and directors of the Suburban Railway, 
bank presidents and cashiers. In three days the 
investigation was being pushed with vigor, but 
St. Louis was laughing at the " huge joke." Such 
things had been attempted before. The men who 
had been ordered to appear before the grand jury 
jested as they chatted in the anterooms, and news- 
paper accounts of these preliminary examinations 
were written in the spirit of burlesque. 

It has developed since that Circuit Attorney 
Folk knew nothing, and was not able to learn 


much more during the fimt few days; hut h<- says 

he saw here and there puffs of smoke and he de- 

M. (1 to find tin- lir. . It was not an easy job. 

ik into such a system is always 
ficult. Mr. I-'olk began with nothing but courage 
and a strong personal on\ id inn 1 Ie caused per- 
emptory summons to be issued, fur the immediate 
i tin- grand jury room of Charles H. 
president of tli.- Suburban Railway, and 
Philip Stock, a representative of brewers' i 
ests, who. In- had reason to believe, was the legis- 

B agent in this deal. 
44 (i M," said Mr. Folk, "I have secured 

sufficient evidence to warrant the r.-turn of it 
ments against you for bribery, and I .shall prose- 
cute you to the full extent of the law and send you 
to the penitentiary unless you tell to tl. 
jury the complete history of the corrupt ionist 
methods employed by you to .sec -ure the passage of 
Ordinance No. 44. I shall gi three days to 

consider the matter. At the end of that time, if 
you have not returned here and given us the infor- 
mation demanded, warrants will be issued for your 

They looked at the nu young prosecu- 

nd left the Four Courts building without ut- 
tering a word. II ted. Two days later. 
Lieutenant Governor Charles P. Johnson, the 


cran rriininal lawvrr, called, and sale! that his 
(lit nt, Mr. Stock, was in such poor health that 
he would be unable to appear before the grand 

" I am truly sorry that Mr. Stock is ill," re- 
plied Mr. Folk, " for his presence here is impera- 
tive, and if he fails to appear he will be arrested 
before sundown." 

That evening a conference was held in Governor 
Johnson's office, and the next day this story was 
told in the grand jury room by Charles II. Turner, 
millionaire president of the Suburban Railway, and 
corroborated by Philip Stock, man-about-town and 
a good fellow: The Suburban, anxious to sell out 
at a large profit to its only competitor, the St. 
Louis Transit Co., caused to be drafted the meas- 
ure known as House Bill No. 44. So sweeping 
were its grants that Mr. Turner, who planned and 
executed the document, told the directors in his 
confidence that its enactment into law would en- 
hance the value of the property from three to six 
million dollars. The bill introduced, Mr. Turner 
visited Colonel Butler, who had long been known as 
a legislative agent, and asked his price for secur- 
ing the passage of the measure. " One hundred and 
forty-five thousand dollars will be my fee," was the 
reply. The railway president demurred. He would 
think the matter over, he said, and he hired a 

r\\ i i.D im s IN s'j i.ous i. 

per man, >ck conferred with the 

representative of the comhine in tlie House of 
Delegates and report .d that $75,000 would be 
necessary in this branch of the Assembly. Mr. 
TuriHT pr. >- ntid a imt,- indorsed by two of tin- 
tors whom he could trust, and secured a loan 
from tli. (i.i:i..i:i Aasvieta Savings Bank. 

Bribe funds in pocket, the legislative agent tel- 
ephoned John Murrell, at that time a representa- 
ise combin , t<> meet him in tin- 
office of the Lincoln Trust Company. There the 
two rented a safe-deposit box. Mr. Stock placed 
in the drawer the roll of $70,000, and each sub- 
d to an agreement that the box should not be 
opened unless both were present. Of course the 
inns spread upon the bank's daybook made 
no reference to the purpose for which this fund 
had been deposited, but an agreement entered into 
by Messrs. Stock and Murrell was to the effect 
that the $75,000 should be given Mr. Murrell as 
soon as the bill became an ordinance, and by him 
distributed to the members of the combine. Stock 
turned to the Council, and upon his report a 
further sum of $60,000 was secured. These bills 
in a safe-deposit box of tin- Missis- 
ley Trust Co., and tlu- man who held the 
key as repre- of the Council combine was 

Charles II. K 


All seemed well, but a few weeks after placing 
tins,, funds in escrow, Mr. Stock reported to his 
employer that there was an unexpected hitch due 
to the action of Emil Meysenburg, who, as a 
member of the Council Committee on Railroads, 
was holding up the report on the bill. Mr. Stock 
said that Mr. Meysenburg held some worthless 
shares in a defunct corporation and wanted Mr. 
Stock to purchase this paper at its par value of 
$9,000. Mr. Turner gave Mr. Stock the money 
with which to buy the shares. 

Thus the passage of House Bill 44 promised to 
cost the Suburban Railway Co. $144,000, only one 
thousand dollars less than that originally named 
by the political boss to whom Mr. Turner had first 
applied. The bill, however, passed both houses of 
the Assembly. The sworn servants of the city 
had done their work and held out their hands f Or 
the bribe money. 

Then came a court mandate which prevented the 
Suburban Railway Co. from reaping the benefit of 
the vote-buying, and Charles H. Turner, angered 
at the check, issued orders that the money in safe- 
deposit boxes should not be touched. War was 
declared between bribe-givers and bribe-takers, 
and the latter resorted to tactics which they hoped 
would frighten the Suburban people into submis- 
sion such as making enough of the story public 

I \\ I i.D DAI B IN 81 I "US 45 

mse minors of ini|M-ii<ling prosecution. It 
was that first item which M 1 >lk saw and acted 

When Messrs. Turner and Stork unfolds I in th- 
grand j u r\ r nth. heir bribery plot, 

I I, found himst If in possession 
M of a groat ( -riim ; h<- needed an 
hits tin t\\o large sums of money in 
safe-deposit vaults of two of the largest banking 
institutions of tin West. Had thin money been 
withdraunr Could he get it if it was there? 
Lock-boxes had always been considered sacred and 
beyond tin- power of the law to open. " I've al- 
ways 1>. Id," said Mr. Folk, M that tin- fart that a 
thin^ in \ hecn done was no reason for think- 

ing it couldn't !> doin-." II I in this case 

that tin- magnitude of the inten-sts involved war- 
d unusual action, so he selected a committee of 
grand jurors an* I one of the banks. II- 

tlu |.r i personal frit nd, the facts 

M into his possession, and asked per- 
mission to st r the fund. 

" Impossible," was the reply. " Our rules deny 
anvont tin- right.'* 

44 y ," said Mr. Folk, " a crime has been 

nittrd, and you hold concealed the principal 

mv th.-n-to. In the name of tin- State of 

>uri I demand that you cause the box to be 

46 Tin-: SIIAMI: or TIM: < rrn s 

opened. If vou r. -f'us, , I shall cause a warrant to 
be issued, charging you a^ an am s M >ry." 

For a minute not a word was sp,,k< n l>\ anv- 
one in the room; then the banker said in almost in- 
audible tones: 

"Give me a little time, gentlemen. I must con- 
sult with our legal adviser before taking such a 

"We will wait ten minutes," said the Gin-nit 
Attorney. " By that time we must have access to 
the vault or a warrant will be applied for." 

At the expiration of that time a solemn pro- 
<>n wended its way from the president's office 
to the vaults in the sub-cellar the president, tin- 
cashier, and the corporation's lawyer, the grand 
jurors, and the Circuit Attorney. All IK nt 
eagerly forward as the key was inserted in the 
lock. The iron drawer yielded, and a roll of some- 
thing wrapped in brown paper was brought to 
light. The Circuit Attorney removed the rubber 
bands, and national bank notes of large denomi- 
nation spread out flat before them. The money 
was counted, and the sum was $75,000 ! 

The boodle fund was returned to its repository, 
officers of the bank were told they would be held re- 
sponsible for it until the courts could art. The in- 
vestigators visited the other financial institution. 
They met with more resistance there. The threat 


to procure a warrant had no effect until Mr. Folk 
uiMiii^ .ui.l set off in tli- -n of tin- 

i I 'lien a messenger t all. d him back, 

ami the second box was opened. In this was found 
$60,000. The rim. xlence was comj 

mmm nt events moved rapidly. 
1 ;les Kratz and .!<>lm K. Murn-11, alleged rep- 
resentatives of Coum-il and IloiiM rnmhim s, 

arrested on bench warrants and placed under 
heavy boi : Kratx wan brought into court from 
a meeting at which plans w. rmcd for 

his election to tl \ >ngres. Murn-11 

was takrn t'r his undertaking establishment . 

1 1 Meyscnburg, millionuin l.r.ik.-r, was seated 
in his office when a .sht -nt!"- d.-putv filtered and 
read a doi-unu-nt that chared him uith hriliery. 
Tin- MimmonN r..i,li. il H.IU-N \. ( ..laus while hr 
was seated at his desk, and the wealthy hrewer was 
coiiifx !1< d to -.nd for a hondsman to avoid pass- 
ing a night in jail. Tin- ruble flashed tin- 
to Cairo, Egypt, that I'.llis Wainwright, many 

> a inillioiiiiire, proprietor of the St. I 
that bears this name, had been iml 
Julius I., hm.inii. llu- members of the House 

'legates, who hud jnkrd whilr suiting in the 
grand jury's anteroom, hud his laughter cut short 
hv tin- hand of u d |>uty slu-rifl' on his shoulder and 
the words, " You are charged with |MTJur\." lie 


was joined at the bar of the criminal court by 

Harrv Faulkner, another jolly good fellow. 

Consternation spread among the boodle gang. 
Some of the men took niglit trains for other 
States and foreign countries the majority re- 
mained and counseled together. Within twenty- 
four hours after the first indictments were re- 
turned, a meeting of bribe-givers and bribe-taken 
was held in South St. Louis. The total wraith of 
those in attendance was $30,000,000, and their 
combined political influence sufficient to carry any 
municipal election under normal conditions. 

This great power was aligned in opposition to 
one man, who still was alone. It was not until 
many indictments had been returned that a citi- 
zens' committee was formed to furnish funds, and 
even then most of the contributors concealed their 
identity. Mr. James L. Blair, the treasurer, testi- 
fied in court that they were afraid to be known 
lest " it ruin their businc ." 

At the meeting of corruptionists three courses 
were decided upon. Political leaders were to work 
on the Circuit Attorney by promise of future re- 
ward, or by threats. Detectives were to ferret out 
of the young lawyer's past anything that could be 
used against him. Witnesses umild be sent out of 
town and provided with money to remain away 
until the adjournment of the grand jury. 

'I \\ I 1.1) I)U - l\ - I I "I I- l'. 

1 the pressure, and it was 

of a . <>ne. Statesmen, lawjcrs, 

merchant*, clubmen, < -him lunen in fact, men 

t in all walk* of life vi-ited him at hit 

office and at his home, and urged that he cea*e such 

trains! his 1 'Wiiftpoople. I'ol 

nt was promised if In would yield; a 
ieal grn\ t,,| Threatening 

ters came, warning him !' pints to uuir<lT, to db- 
.1 t. hlack^u.u.l. \\ 

nessee that <i< v act 

of his lif, M, 1 '.,M the politicians that he 

waa not seeking polit ors, and not looking 

forward to another offi< others he defied. 

probed the deeper into tin- muni 
sore. With his firxt successes for prestige and 
aided by tin- j tin- hoodlers, he soon had 

tlu-m Mispicious of one another, exclmn 
charges of I. to ** squeal" or 

it tin- .sli^litt^t si^n of danger. On 
of the House of Delegates became so frightened 
whilr uiul.-r tin- inquisitorial cross fin- that h. 

I with a nervous chill; his false teeth fell to 
the Moor, and th. w increased his alarm 

he rushed from the room without stopping to pick 
up his teeth, and boarded the ne\ 

It was not long before Mr Folk had dug up 
'en years of corruption, 


especially of tin- business of the North and South 
and tlu- Central Traction franchise grants, the 
last-named being even more iniquitous than the 

Early in 1898 a "promoter" rented a bridal 
suite at the Planters' Hotel, and having stocked 
the rooms with wines, liquors, and cigars until they 
resembled a candidate's headquarter* during a con- 
vention, sought introduction to members of the As- 
sembly and to such political bosses as had in- 
fluence with the city fathers. Two weeks after 
his arrival the Central Traction bill was intro- 
duced " by request " in the Council. The mca-ure 
was a blanket franchise, granting rights of \\ay 
which had not been given to old-established com- 
panies, and permitting the beneficiaries to par- 
allel any track in the city. It passed both 
Houses despite the protests of every newspaper in 
the city, save one, and was vetoed by the mayor. 
The cost to the promoter was $145,000. 

Preparations were made to pass the bill over the 
executive's veto. The bridal suite was restocked, 
larger sums of money were placed on deposit in 
the banks, and the services of three legislative 
agents were engaged. Evidence now in the pos- 
session of the St. Louis courts tells in detail the 
disposition of $250,000 of bribe money. Sworn 
statements prove that $75,000 was >pent ; n the 

TWl'.r.l) DATS IX ST. LOUIS 51 
i legates. The remainder of the $250,- 

000 was d,-t nhut, d in tin- Council, hose members, 
though f, -\% iii i.uinl). r, ippraited their honor at a 
higher figure on account of their higher po* 
in tin- Imaincss and social world. Finally, hut on.- 
was needed to complete the necessary two- 
thirds in tli. upper Chamber. To secure this a 

councilman of n-ptited intent \ was paid $50,000 

in coiiHidi tl. r aje when the ordi- 

nance should come up for final passage. lint tin- 
promoter did not dare risk nil U|MHI the vote of one 
. and he made this novel proposition to an- 
r honored n inher, who accepted it : 

.-on roll rail after Mr. - I 

will place $45,000 in the hands of your son, " 
amount will hecome yours, if you have to vote for 

the measure because of Mr. *s not keeping his 

promise. But if he stands out for it you can 
against it, and the money shall revert to 

On the evening when the hill was read for final 

passage the City Hall was crowded with ward 

heelers and lesser politicians. Th. >, men had been 

engaged by the promoter, at five and t.-n dollars a 

i- on the doodling Assemblymen. The 

hill paed the House with a rush, and all crowded 

into the Council Chan. her. While the roll was 

g called the sil.-ncc was profound, for all knew 

that some mm in the Chamber uhoxr reputations 
had been free from blemish, were under promise 
and pay to part with honor that night. Wlim the 
clerk was two-third- do\\ n the list thox,- \\ ho had 
kept count knew that but one vote was n< 

One more name was called. The man addn -- ed 
turned red, then white, and after a moment's hesi- 
tation he whispered "aye" ! The silence was so 
death-like that his vote was heard throughout tin- 
room, and those near enough heard also the sigh 
of relief that escaped from the member who could 
now vote " no " and save his reputation. 

The Central Franchise bill was a law, passed 
over the mayor's veto. The promoter had ex- 
pended nearly $300,000 in securing the legislation, 
but within a week he sold his rights of way to 
"Eastern capitalists" for $1,250,000. The 
United Railways Company was formed, and with- 
out owning an inch of steel rail, or a plank in a 
car, was able to compel every street railroad in 
St. Louis, with the exception of the Suburban, to 
part with stock and right of way and agree to a 
merger. Out of this grew the St. Louis Transit 
Company of to-day. 

Several incidents followed this legislative ses- 
sion. After the Assembly had adjourned, a pro- 
moter entertained the $50,000 councilman at a 
downtown restaurant. During the supper the host 

i\vi:i:i) DAYS IN s'j i.oris H 

rona his tfiH-t, " I HIJ.II you would lend me 

that $50,000 until to morrow. There are tome 
of the boys outside whom I haven't p.. '!;. 

money changed hands. The next day, hi 
waited in vain for the prom.,',,, \I, ( .,micilman 

<>l\er and began a search 
tels. The hunt ,. - I .ed fruit- 

less, but tlu sUtor kept on tin- trail until 

;imc face to face with the lobbyist in the 
dor of the Wal<! >ria. The New 

Yorker, seeing the danger, soiled the St. Louisan 
the arm and said soothin^l\. here; 

don't t ike on so. I was called away suddtnlv. 
Come to supper with me; I will give you the 

invitation was accepted, and champagne 
soon was flowing. When the man from ' 
had become sufficiently maudlin the pro: 
passed over to him a letter, uhich he had dictated 
to a t\j- uhile away from the table for a 

few minutes. The xt denied all knowledge 

of hr.ln ,-\ . 

N ; n that and I will pay you $5,000. 
e, and vou don't get a *h pr. 

Louisan n turned home carrying 
the $5,000, and that was all. 

Meanwhile the promoter had not fared SO well 
with other spoiUnun. H\ the terms of t! 

legislation agreement n-fVrml to al>o\c, the son 
of one councilman was pledged to return $1-5,000 
if his father was saved tin oeoettitj of voting 
for the bill. The next day the New Yorker sought 
out this young man and asked for the money. 

" I am not going to give it to you," was the 
cool rejoinder. " My mamma says that it is Inilx 
money and that it would be wrong to give it to 
either you or father, so I shall keep it myself." 
And he did. When summoned before the ^r.-i n<l 
jury this young man asked to be relieved from 
answering questions. " I am afraid I mi;hf com 
mit perjury," he said. He was advised to " Tell 
the truth and there will be no risk." 

" It would be all right," said the son, " if Mr. 
Folk would tell me what the other fellows have 
testified to. Please have him do that." 

Two indictments were found as the result of this 
Central Traction bill, and bench warrants were 
served on Robert M. Snyder and George J. Ko- 
busch. The State charged the former with being 
one of the promoters of the bill, the definite alle- 
gation being bribery. Mr. Kobusch, who is presi- 
dent of a street car manufacturing company, was 
charged with perjury. 

The first case tried was that of Emil Meysen- 
burg, the millionaire who compelled the Suburban 
people to purchase his worthless stock. He was 

TWl.l.D DAN- IN S'l LOUS 55 
.ckd by three attorney! of high n pu* 
criminal jun-|>ru<l iu , hut tin- voting Circur 
tonic\ jrn\ij| equal tn the emergency, and a eon* 

n was secured. Three yean in the pen 
tiary was the sentence. Charles Kr/it/, the 
gressional cm <1 $40,000 by flight. 

mill John K M urn 11 also disappeared. Mr. Folk 
traced Miirn-11 to M xico, cuus.d his arn st in 
Guadalajara, negotiated with thr nuthf.ritir* for 
his surrender, and wh-n this failed, arranged for 
his rvtnru home to confess, and his 
brought about tin irnljrtinriit, on September 8, of 
ci^h* n f thr mumrijml l-^isl.t 

The second case was that of Julius Lehmann. 
Two years at hard labor was the sentence, and the 
man who had led tin- i<>k. r> in th- ^raml jury 
anti-room would have f'.ill< n \ ln-unl it, had 

not I 'idin^ ti< 

Besides the convictions of these and other MM n 
of good standing in the community, and tin- flight 
any more, partnerships were dissolved, rom- 
m )iH<i to be reorganized, business houses were 
closed because their proprietors were absent, but 
Mr. Folk, <i t rred as little by success as by failure, 
(1 right on ; he was not elated ; he was not sor- 
rowful. The man proceeded with his work quickly, 
surely, smilingly, without fear or pity. The 
ttiror spread, and the rout was compK ; 

r>(i THE SI I. \ Mi: OF Till; CITIES 

When another grand jury was Mvorn and pro- 
ceeded to take testimony then Rrerc MOM <>f men 
who threw up their hands and crying " Mea 
inlpa!" begged to be permitted to tell all they 
knew and not be proserut.d. Tin inquiry broad- 
en. (1. The son of a former mayor was indicted for 
misconduct in office while serving as his father's 
private secretary, and the grand jury recom- 
mended that the ex-mayor be sued in the civil 
courts, to recover interests on public money which 
he had placed in his own pocket. A true bill fell 
on a former City Register, and more Assembly m< n 
were arrested, charged with making illegal con- 
tracts with the city. At last the ax struck upon the 
trunk of the greatest oak of the forest. Colonel 
Butler, the boss who has controlled elections in St. 
Louis for many years, the millionaire who had 
risen from bellows-boy in a blacksmith 9 ! shop to 
be the maker and guide of the Governors of Mis- 
souri, one of the men who helped nominate and 
elect Folk he also was indicted on two counts 
charging attempted bribery. That Butler has 
controlled legislation in St. Louis had long been 
known. It was generally understood that he 
owned Assemblymen before they ever took the 
oath of office, and that he did not have to pay for 
votes. And yet open bribery was the allegation 
now. Two members of the Board of Health 

i \\ i ID im - IN - i i MI i-. 57 
tood ready to swear that he offered th-m 
$,500 fm- thrir appro n garbage con- 


Pitiful.' YI-H. hut typical. Oth r ritir* arc to- 
day in the lame condition as St. LouU be for 
i was inxitid in to s.-- its rottcnneitii. Ch 

is cleaning its. If up just now, to In Minnch] 
ami Pittshurg recently had a bribery scandal; 
Boston IB at peao , Cincinnati and St. Paul are 
satisfied, uliil. Philad. Ipliia is happy with tin- 
worst govi mini -nt in tin- wnrlil. AS for the small 
towns and tin \illages, many of these are busy as 
bees at the loot. 

St. Louis, indeed, in its disgrace, has a great ad- 
vantage. It was expose*! ' has not been re- 
formed and caught Again and again, until it 
zens are reconciled to corruption. But, best of all, 
the man who has turned St. !... is inside out, 
turned it, as it were, upside down, too. In all 
, tin- I.. isses tin- business men are 
the sources of corruption; hut thi-v an* so rarely 
pursued and we do not fully realize 
\\li. jici- tin trouble comes. Thus most cities blame 
tin politicians and the ignorant and vicious 

Mr. Folk has shown St. Louis that its bankers, 
brokers, corporation officers, its business 

MR* sources of evil, so that from the start 

it will know tin- municipal problem in it> true li^ht. 
With a tradition for public spirit, it may drop 
Hut lor and its runaway bankers, brokers, and 
brewers, and pushing aside the scruples of the 
hundreds of men down in blue book, and red book, 
and church register, who are lyin^c hidden behind 
the statutes of limitations, the city may restore 
good government. Otli<T\vi>r the exposures by Mr. 
Folk will result only in the perfection of the cor- 
rupt system. For the corrupt can learn a 
when the good citi/ms cannot. The 
regime in New York taught Tammany to organ- 
ize its boodle business ; the police exposure taught 
it to improve its method of collecting blackmail. 
And both now are almost perfect and safe. The 
rascals of St. Louis will learn in like manner ; they 
will concentrate the control of their bribery system, 
excluding from the profit-sharing the great mass 
of weak rascals, and carrying on the business 
as a business in the interest of a trustworthy 
few. District Attorney Jerome cannot catch 
the Tammany men, and Circuit Attorney Folk 
will not be able another time to break the 
St. Louis ring. This is St. Louis' one great 

But, for the rest of us, it does not matter about 
St. Louis any more than it matters about Colonel 
Butler et al. The point is, that what went on in 

r\vi;i:i) DAYS IN s'j i.oris vj 

B Louis in going on in most of our cities, towns, 
and villages. The problem of municipal govern- 
ni' /it in America has not been solved. The people 
may be tired of it, but they cannot give it up 
not \ 

1111. SHAMi; C)J M1NNEAP01 I- 


(January, 1903) 
WllRKP.VKR anything extraordinary if don 

i municipal politics, \\hthir for good or 
you can trace it almost invariably to one 
man. I |..<|.1 <!<> not do it. .Neither lo the 
"gangs," " combines," or political parties. These 
are but instruments by which bosses (not leaders; 
we Americans are not led, hut driven ) nil* tin- peo- 
ple, and commonly sell them out. Hut tin-re are at 
least two forms of the autocracy which bas sup- 
planted the democracy here as it has everywhere 
democracy has been tried. One is that of the or- 
bv which, as with the Republican 
machine in Philadelphia, the boss has normal con- 
trol i f more than half the voters. The otlx of the adroitly managed minority. The 
44 good people " are herded into parties am! stupe- 
fied with convictions and a name. Republican .r 
Democrat ; while the "bad people" are so organ- 
ized or interested by the boss that he can wield 
r votes to enforce terms with party managers 
and decide elections. St. Louis is a conspicuous 
example of this form. Minneapolis is another. 



Colonel Ed Butler is tin- unscrupuloafl opportunist 

\\ho handled the non-partisan minnritv which 
turned St. Louis into a " boodlr town." In Min- 
neapolis " Doc " Ames was the man. 

Minneapolis is a New England town on the 
upper Mississippi. The metropolis of the North- 
west, it is the metropolis also of Norway and 
Sweden in America. Indeed, it is the second 
largest Scandinavian city in the world. But Yan- 
kees, straight from Down East, settled the town, 
and their New England spirit predominate*. Tin-s- 
had Bayard Taylor lecture there in the early days 
of the settlement; they made it the seat of the 
University of Minnesota. Yet even now, win n tin- 
town has grown to a population of more than 
200,000, you feel that there is something West mi 
about it too a Yankee with a round Puri tan head, 
an open prairie heart, and a great, big Scandina- 
vian body. The " Roundhead " takes the " Square- 
head " out into the woods, and they cut lumber by 
forests, or they go out on the prairi< s and raise 
wheat and mill it into fleet-cargoes of flour. They 
work hard, they make money, they are sober, sat- 
isfied, busy with their own affairs. There isn't 
much time for public business. Taken together, 
Miles, Hans, and Ole are very American. Miles 
insists upon strict laws, Ole and Hans want one or 
two Scandinavians on their ticket. These things 

granted* they go off on raft or reaper, lea 
o will to enforce the law* and run the c . 
The people who were left to govern the city 
hated above all thing* Mtrict law*. They were the 
loafers, saloon keepers, gamblers, criminals, and 
tin- thriftless poor of all nationalities. Resenting 
the sobriety of a staid, industrious community, and 

ilg no Irish (n hoss tin-in, tln-N drliglitrd t.> 

..vial pioneer d \;l>ert Alonzo 

Ames. He was the *' good fallow" a genial, 
generous reprobate. Dcvery, Tweed, and many 
more have exposed in vain this amiable type. 
"Doc" Ames, tall, straight, and cheerful, at- 

.(1 men, ami they gave him vote* for his 

smiles. He stood for license. There was nothing of 

I'uritan about him. 11;- fath r, the sturdy old 

|iiin.-i r. : 1 sha Ames, had a strong 

ii of it in him, but he moved on with his 
family of six sons from Gnnl- n IV-iiri.-, I 
Fort Snelling refenration, in 1851, before Minne- 
apolis was founded, and young All>.rt Alonzo, 
who then was ten years old, grew up free, easy, and 

int. He was sent to school, then to college in 
1 igo, and he returned home a doctor of r 

before he was twenty-one. As the town waxed 

soberer and i ! ' _:rew gayer and more 

and more generous. Skillful as a surgeon, de- 

. and as a man kindly, he in- 


creased his practice till he was the lu-st -loved man 
in the community. He was especially good to the 
poor. Anybody could summon " Doc " Ames at 
any hour to any distance. He went, and he gave 
not only his professional service, but sympathy, 
and often charity. t% Hie her nun than you will 
pay your bill," he told the destitute. So there was 
a basis for his "good fellowship." There always 
is; these good fellows are not frauds not in the 

But there is another side to them sometimes. 
Ames was sunshine not to the sick and destitute 
only. To the vicious and the depraved also he 
was a comfort. If a man was a hard drinker, the 
good Doctor cheered him with another drink ; if he 
had stolen something, the Doctor helped to get him 
off. He was naturally vain ; popularity developed 
his love of approbation. His loose life brought 
disapproval only from the good people, so grad- 
ually the Doctor came to enjoy best the society of 
the barroom and the streets. This society, flat- 
tml in turn, worshiped the good Doctor, and, 
active in politics always, put its physician into 
the arena. 

Had he been wise or even shrewd, he might have 
made himself a real power. But he wasn't calcu- 
lating, only light and frivolous, so he did not or- 
ganize his forces and run men for office. He 

'1111. SII \MI M| MINM 

ought office himself from the start, and he got 

most of the small places he wanted by clmn^in^ hi* 

party to seiie the opportunity. Hi* floating 

, addd to tin- n-tfiilar partisan vote, was 

sufficient ordinarily for hi-* useless victories. As 

tun.- wi nt mi !.. I-..-.- from smaller offices to be a 

Micun mayor, tln-n twice at intervals to be a 

Democratic maym 1 1 was a candidate once for 

1 ptttj !>*' stood for governor once on a sort 

Democrat ti(kt. Ames could not get 

liintf nut-ide <>(* his own town, however, and 

li;- third t* mi as mayor it was thought he 

was out of politics altogetlx I! was getting 

old, and he was getting worse. 

Like many a " good fellow " with hosts of mis- 
neous friends downtown to whom he was de- 
voted, the good Doctor neglected his own family. 
From neglect he went on openly to separation 
from his wife and a second establishment. The 
climax came not long before the rl <-ti<m of 1900. 
family would not ha\v tin 

fatli.-r at the funeral, hut he appeared, not at 
tin ImiiM, hut in a carriage on the street. !! 
sat across the way, with his feet up and a cigar 
in his mouth, till the funeral moved: tlun he 
circled around, crossing it and meeting it, and 
making altogether a scene which might w, 11 dote 


It didn't end lik Tin- people liad just M-ciiiv<l 
tin* passage of u new primary law to e-t ahlish di- 
rect popular government. There \\<rc to he no 
more nominations by convention. The voter- were 
to ballot for their party candidates. By a slip of 
some sort, the laws did not specify that H< publi- 
cans only should vote for Republican candidates, 
and only Democrats for Democratic candidates. 
Any voter could vote at cither primary. Ann -, in 
disn pute with his own party, the Democratic, bade 
his followers vote for his nomination for mayor 
on the Republican ticket. They all voted ; not all 
the Republicans did. He was nominated. Nomi- 
nation is far from election, and you would say that 
the trick would not help him. But that was a 
Presidential year, so the people of Minneapolis 
had to vote for Ames, the Republican candidate 
for mayor. Besides, Ames said he was going to 
reform; that he was getting old, and wanted to 
close his career with a good administration. The 
effective argument, however, was that, since M< 
Kinley had to be elected to save the country, Ames 
must be supported for mayor of Minneapolis. 
Why? The great American people cannot be 
trusted to scratch a ticket. 

Well, Minneapolis got its old mayor back, and 
he was indeed " reformed." Up to this time Ames 
had not been very venal personally. He was a 

"spender," not a " grafter," and lie was guilty 
of corrupt inn <-hi Hy h\ pro\\ , ! took the honors 
an<i 1. it ti.,- MpoiU to IMS follower*. His adminis- 
<>ns were no worse than the worst. Now, how- 
ever, he set out upon a career of corruption win. h 

riltflie*s, MIX. nt ion, and .IN HIM lias BtVtT 

been It was as if he had made uj 

mind td/it lu- had heen careless long enough, and 
meant to enrich his last years. He began 

1 mediately upon his election, before he took 
office (on January 7, 1901), he organized a 
cabinet and laid plans to turn tin city over to 
outlaws who were to work under police din< 
for the profit of his administration. He chose for 
his brother. Colonel Frvd \V. Ames, who had 
recently returned under a cloud from sen-ice in 
the Philippines. But he was a weak vessel for 
chief of police, and the mayor picked for < 
of d- t. .-fives an abler man, who was to dir.ct the 
more difficult operations. This was Norman W. 
King, A fonnt-r g , who knew tin* criminaU 

needed in the business ahead. Kin^ was to in- 

MinnrapolU thii-ves, confidence men. ; 
pockets and gamblers, and release some that 
were in the local j.-iil. They were to be organized 
into groups, according to their profession, and 
detectives were assigned to assist and direct 


tin-in. Tin head of the gambling syndic ate was 
to have charge of tin- gambling, making the 
t rnns and collecting the " graft," just as King and 
a Captain Hill were to collect from the thieves. 
The collie tor for women of the town was to be 
Invin A. Gardner, a medical student in the Doc- 
tor's office, who was made a special policeman for 
tlit purpose. These men looked over the force, 
M l.rtrd those men who could be trusted, charged 
them a price for their retention, and marked for 
dismissal 107 men out of 225, the 107 being the 
best policemen in the department from the point of 
view of the citizens who afterward reorgani/<d 
the force. John Fit dirt te, better known as " Cof- 
fee John," a Virginian (who served on the Jef- 
ferson Davis jury), the keeper of a notorious cof- 
fee-house, was to be a captain of police, with no 
duties except to sell places on the police force. 

And they did these things that they planned 
all and more. The administration opened with the 
revolution on the police force. The thieves in the 
local jail were liberated, and it was made known 
to the Under World generally that " things were 
doing" in Minneapolis. The incoming swindlers 
reported to King or his staff for instructions, and 
went to work, turning the " swag " over to the 
detectives in charge. Gambling went on openly, 
and disorderly houses multiplied under the foster- 

ing care of Gardner, the medical stud. nt. 
all this wu* not enough. Ames dared to break 
v into the municipal system of vice pro- 

Tin n was such a thing. Minncap< tin 

its laws, forbade vices which are inevitalil. . th.-n 
regularly permitted them un! ndition*. 

Legal limits, called ** patrol lines/* were prescribed, 
within which saloons might be opened. These ran 
along the river front, out through part of tin- 
business section, with long arms reaching into the 
Scan u quarters, north and south. Gam- 

hling also was confined, hut more narrowly. And 
there were limits, also arbitrary, but not always 
identical with those for giunhl ing, within which the 
social evil was allowed. Hut tin m\, 1 feature of 
this scheme was that disorderly houses were prac- 
tically licensed by the city, the women appearing 
before the clerk of tin- Municipal Court each 
month to pay a " fine " of $100. Unable at 
to get this " graft," Ames's man Gardner per- 
suaded women to start house>. nits, and, of 
all things, candy stores, which sold sweets to chil- 
dren and tobacco to the 4 * lumber Jacks " in front, 
while a nefarious traffic was carried on in tin- 
rear. But they paid Ames, not t! and that 
was all this " reform " administration cared about. 
The revenue from all these sources must have 

been large. It only whetted the av.uid of tin- 
mayor and his Cabinet. They let gambling privi- 
leges without restrict ion as < location or " square- 
ness " ; the syndicate could cheat and rob as it 
would. Peddlers and pawnbrokers, formerly li- 
censed by the city, jought permits now instead 
from the mayor's agent in this field. Some two 
hundred slot machines were installed in various 
parts of the town, with owner's agent and mayor's 
agent watching and collecting from them enough 
to pay the mayor $15,000 a year as his share. 
Auction frauds were instituted. Opium joints and 
unlicensed saloons, called " blind pigs," were pro- 
tected. Gardner even had a police baseball team, 
for whose games tickets were sold to people who 
had to buy them. But the women were the easiest 
" graft." They were compelled to buy illustrated 
biographies of the city officials; they had to give 
presents of money, jewelry, and gold stars to 
police officers. But the money they still paid di- 
rect to the city in fines, some $35,000 a year, 
fretted the mayor, and at last he reached for it. 
He came out with a declaration, in his old char- 
acter as friend of the oppressed, that $100 a 
month was too much for these women to pay. 
They should be required to pay the city fine only 
once in two months. This puzzled the town till 
it became generally known that Gardner collected 

(i TIII: imvr r\.i: or " TIII: HHi MITT 

74 THE SIIAMi; OF Till; riTIKS 
the other month for the mayor. The final outrage 
in this department, howevi r, was an order of the 
mayor for the periodic visits to disorderly houses, 
by the city's physicians, at from $5 to $20 per 
visit. The two physicians he appointed called 
when they willed, and more and more frequently, 
till toward the end the calls became a pure for- 
mality, with the collections as the one and only 

In a general way all this business was known. 
It did not arouse the citizens, but it did attract 
criminals, and more and more thieves and swindlers 
came hurrying to Minneapolis. Some of them 
saw the police, and made terms. Some were seen 
by the police and invited to go to work. There 
was room for all. This astonishing fact that the 
government of a city asked criminals to rob the 
people is fully established. The police and the 
criminals confessed it separately. Their state- 
ments agree in detail. Detective Norbcck made 
the arrangements, and introduced the swindlers 
to Gardner, who, over King's head, took the money 
from them. Here is the story " Billy " Edwards, 
a " big mitt " man, told under oath of his recep- 
tion in Minneapolis: 

" I had been out to the Coast, and hadn't seen 
Norbeck for some time. After I returned I 
boarded a Minneapolis car one evening to go 


Thif shows an item concerning the check for $775, which 
Meix (here spelled Mix) wished not to hare 


down to South Minneapolis to \i-it a fri< n <l. Nor- 
l>irk and Detect iv- !)!, ait tiv were on tin- ear. 
\Vlirn Norhrrk saw me he came up and shook 
hands, and said, 'Hullo, Hilly, how goes it?' I 
said, 'Not very well.' Then he says, 'Things 
have changed since you went away. Me and 
Gardner arc the whole thing now. Before yon 1< ft 
they thought I didn't know anything, hut. I turned 
a few tricks, and now I'm It.' ' I'm glad of that, 
Chris,' I said. He says, ' I've got great things for 
you. I'm going to fix up a joint for you.' 
' That's good,' I said, 4 but I don't believe you can 
do it.' ' Oh, yes, I can,' he replied. ' I'm It now 
Gardner and me.' ' Well, if you can do it,' says 
I, ' there's money in it.' ' How much can you 
pay? ' he asked. ' Oh, $150 or $200 a week,' says 
I. ' That settles it,' he said ; ' I'll take you down 
to see Gardner, and we'll fix it up.' Then he made 
an appointment to meet me the next night, and 
we went down to Gardner's house together." 

There Gardner talked business in general, 
showed his drawer full of bills, and jokingly asked 
how Edwards would like to have them. Edwards 

" I said, ' That looks pretty good to me,' and 
Gardner told us that he had ' collected ' the money 
from the women he had on his staff, and that he 
was going to pay it over to the ' old man ' when 




This shows the accounts for a week of small transactions. 

7s Tin: SIIAMI: or Tin: CITIES 

lie got back from hi> hunting trip in-\t morning. 
Afterward he told me that tin- mayor had been 
much plea^d with our $500, and that lie said 
( \. r\ tiling \\as all ri<rht, and for us to go ahead." 

M Link " Crossman, another confidence man uho 
was with Kdwardx. said that (iardner demanded 
$1,000 at first, but compromised on $500 for tin- 
mayor, $50 for Gardner, and $50 for Norbeck. 
To the chief, Fred Ames, they gave tips now and 
then of $25 or $50. " The first week we ran," 
said Grossman, " I gave Fred $15. Norbeck 
took me down there. We shook hands, and I 
handed him an envelope with $15. He pulled out 
a list of steerers we had sent him, and said he 
wanted to go over them with me. He asked where 
the joint was located. At another time I slipped 
$25 into his hand as he was standing in the hall- 
way of City Hall." But these smaller payments, 
after the first " opening, $500," are all down on 
the pages of the " big mitt " ledger, photographs 
of which illuminate this article. This notorious 
book, which was kept by Charlie Howard, one of 
the " big mitt " men, was much talked of at the 
subsequent trials, but was kept hidden to await 
the trial of the mayor himself. 

The " big mitt " game was swindling by means 
of a stacked hand at stud poker. " Steerers " 
and " boosters " met " suckers " on the street, at 

I ill. -II \M1. or Ml \\l..\TOLIS 79 

lilway stations, won .nfidencc, 

and l.-.l them i IJimally the 

44 sucker " was called, l\ tin- amount of bis lost, 

" the $102-1. tin- ?:*:, i; 

. alone had the distinction among all the 
iea polls victims of going by his own name. 
Having lost $775, he tx> own for his per- 

sistent complainings. Hut they all "kicked" 
some. To Detective Norbeck at the street door 
was assigned the duty of hearing their complaints, 
and "throwing a scare into them." ** Oh, so 
you've been gambling," he would say. " Har* 
you got a license? Well, thru, you better get 
ri^ht out of this town." Sometimes he accom- 
panied tlu in to the station and saw them off. If 
to In- put off thus, he directed them 
to tlu- chief of police. Fred Ames tried to wear 
them out by keeping them waiting in the ante- 
room. If they outlasted him, he saw them and 
itened them with threats of all sorts of trouble 
for gambling without a license. Meix wanted to 
have payment on hi* check stopped. Ames, who 
had been a bank cl-rk, told him of \\i^ banking ex- 
; . and then had the effrontery to say that 

pay IIM iit on such a check could not be stopp. 

Burglaries were common. How many the police 
planned may never be known. Charles F. 
Drackett and Fred Malone, police captains and de- 


were active, and one well-established crime 
of theirs is the robbery of the Pabst Brewing Com- 
pany office. They persuaded two men, one an 
employee, to learn the combination of the safe, 
open and clean it out one night, while the two 
officers stood guard outside. 

The excesses of the municipal administration 
became so notorious that some of the members of 
it n inonstrated with the others, and certain county 
officers were genuinely alarmed. No restraint fol- 
lowed tlu'ir warnings. Sheriff Megaarden, no 
Puritan himself, felt constrained to interfere, and 
he made some arrests of gamblers. The Ames 
people turned upon him in a fury; they accused 
him of making overcharges in his accounts with 
the county for fees, and, laying the evidence be- 
fore Governor Van Sant, they had Megaarden 
removed from office. Ames offered bribes to two 
county commissioners to appoint Gardner sheriff, 
so as to be sure of no more trouble in that quarter. 
This move failed, but the lesson taught Megaarden 
served to clear the atmosphere, and the spoliation 
went on as recklessly as ever. It became impos- 

Even lawlessness must be regulated. Dr. Ames, 
never an organizer, attempted no control, and his 
followers began to quarrel among themselves. 
They deceived one another; they robbed the 

. ; they robbed Ames himself. His brother 
became dissatisfied with his share of the spoil*, and 
formed cabals with captains who plotted against 
the ration and set up disorderly houses, 
" panel games," and all sorts of u graf U of their 

The one man loyal t<> tl,,- mayor was Gard- 

I I Ames, Captain Kin^, and pals 
fall of the favorite. Now anybody 
\ thin^ from Hi- 
have him alon . '1'!,.- Fred Ames cl *e a 

whni the mayor was at West Bad 
filled him with suspicion of Gardner and the fear 

I him to let a nvntmv 
named ** Reddy " Cohen, instead of Gar 

moneys, not 

Iy, hut through Fnd. Gardner made A 

touching appeal l>een honest. I have 

paid you all/' In- s.-iid to thr mayor. "Fred and 

st \\ill rob you." This was true, but it was 

d Ames was in charge at last, and he him- 

went about giving notice of tin- change. 

Three detectives were with him u! 1 tlio 

women, and !n-rv is the women's story, in the v 

of one, as it was told again and again in court: 

44 Colonel Ames came in with th 'vis. Ho 

;>cd into a side room and asked me if I had been 


paying Gardner. I told him I had, and he told 
me not to pay no more, but to come to his office 
later, and he would let me know what to do. I 
went to the City Hall in about three weeks, after 
Cohen had called and said he was * the party.' I 
asked the chief if it was all right to pay Cohen, 
and he said it was." 

The new arrangement did not work so smoothly 
as the old. Cohen was an oppressive collector, 
and Fred Ames, appealed to, was weak and lenient. 
He had no sure hold on the force. His captains, 
free of Gardner, were undermining the chief. They 
increased their private operations. Some of the 
detectives began to drink hard and neglect their 
work. Norbeck so worried the " big mitt " men 
by staying away from the joint, that they com- 
plained to Fred about him. The chief rebuked 
Norbeck, and he promised to " do better," but 
thereafter he was paid, not by the week, but by 
piece work so much for each " trimmed sucker " 
that he ran out of town. Protected swindlers \v re 
arrested for operating in the street by " Coffee 
John's " new policemen, who took the places of 
the negligent detectives. Fred let the indignant 
prisoners go when they were brought before him, 
but the arrests were annoying, inconvenient, and 
disturbed business. The whole system became so 
demoralized that every man was for himself. There 

mi. -ii \MI. or \n\M..\rou8 ss 

was not left even the t. il honor among 

It wa at this juiictim-, in April, 190*. that 
the grand jury for the summer term was drawn. 
An ordinary body of undetected citiiens, it re- 
ceived no sp*> :n the bencli ; t}.- 
ty pro.sioitor ' only routine work 
to do. But there was a man among them who 
was a fighter the foreman, ll..\.v C. Clarke. 
He was of an old New England family. Coming 

to Minneapolis ulim a \>un^ man, srventrrn 
years before, he hud fought for employ: 
fought u ,-n for position, fought 

with his employees, the lumber Jacks, for com- 
mand, fought for his company against competi- 
tors; and )>< had won always, till now he had t In- 
habit of command, tin- impatient, imperious man- 
"f the master, and the assurance of success 
which begets it. He did not want to be a grand 
Mian, he did not want to be a foreman; but 
was both, he wanted to accomplish some- 

Why not rip up tin Ames gang? Heads 
shook, hands went up; it was useless to try. The 
discouragement find Clarke. That was just 
what he would do, he said, and lu- took stock of 
his jury. Two or three u D with back- 

bone; that he knew, and he quuklv had them with 

84 Tin-: si i AMI; OF THE CITIES 

liiin. The rest were all sorts of men. Mr. 
Clarke won over each man to himself, mid inter- 
ested them all. Then he called for the county 
prosecutor. The prosecutor was a politician; lie 
knew the Ames crowd; they were too powerful to 

k ' You are excused," said the foreman. 

There was a scene; the prosecutor knew his 

" Do you think, Mr. Clarke," he cried, " that 
you can run the grand jury and my office, too? " 

" Yes," said Clarke, " I will run your office if 
I want to; and I want to. You're excused." 

Mr. Clarke does not talk much about his 
doings that summer; he isn't the talking sort. 
But he does say that all he did was to apply 
simple business methods to his problem. In 
action, however, these turned out to be the most 
approved police methods. He hired a lot of 
local detectives who, he knew, would talk about 
what they were doing, and thus would be watched 
by the police. Having thus thrown a false 
scent, he hired some other detectives whom no- 
body knew about. This was expensive; so w re- 
many of the other things he did; but he was 
bound to win, so he paid the price, drawing fm-1 y 
on his own and his colleagues' pockets. (The 
total cost to the county for a long summer's 

i in: -ii \MI. <>r \n\\i ypOUB 85 

work by jury was $859.) Wit! 

detectives out, In- himelf went to the jail to get 
i the inside, from criminal* who, being 

, mutt have grievamvs. He made the ac- 
(juaintuncr of the jailer, Captain Alexander, and 

mder wa* a friend of Sheriff Megaarclen. 
Yes, he had some men there who were "sore" 
and illicit want to get 

Now two of these were ** bi# mitt" men who 
had worked foi (i.-mln. r. < >M. WM " Hilly" Ed- 
wards, ti Cheerful Churl * ard. 

.ird too many explanations of their plight 

to clmosr any one ; this ^i-IHT:il account will 

tin- ground: In tin- Aim--, : . thrr by mis- 

take, neglect, or for spite growing out of the 
network of conHittin^ interests and gangs, they 
were arrested and arraigned, not before Fred Ames, 
hut before a judge, and held in hail too high for 
tin-in to furnish. Th-y had paid for an unex- 
pired period of protection, yet could get neither 
protection nor bail. They were forgotten. ' \\ 
got the double cross all ri^ht," they said, and 
they bled with their grievance; but squeal, no, 
sir! that was "another deal." 

Hut Mr. Clarke had their story, and he was 

bound to force them to tell it under oath on the 

!. If they did, (lardner and Norbeck would 

be indicted, tried, and probably convicted. In 


themselves, these men were of no great in 
tance; but they wen- the key to the .situation, and 
a way up to the mayor. It was worth trying. 
Mr. Clarke went into the jail with Messrs. Lester 
Elwood and Willard J. Hicld, grand jurors on 
whom he relied most for delicate work. Th y 
stood by while the foreman talked. And the 
foreman's way of talking was to smile, s\ 
threaten, and cajole. " Billy " Edwards told me 
afterwards that he and Howard were finally per- 
suaded to turn State's evidence, Ixrau^ they be- 
lieved that Mr. Clarke was the kind of a man to 
keep his promises and fulfill his threats. "We," 
he said, meaning criminals generally, " are al- 
ways stacking up against juries and lawyers who 
want us to holler. We don't, because we see they 
ain't wise, and won't get there. They're quit- 
ters ; they can be pulled off. Clarke has a hard 
eye. I know men. It's my business to size 'em 
up, and I took him for a winner, and I played 
in with him against that whole big bunch of easy 
things that was running things on the bum/" 
The grand jury was ready at the end of three 
weeks of hard work to find bills. A prosecutor 
was needed. The public prosecutor was being 
ignored, but his first assistant and friend, Al J. 
Smith, was taken in hand by Mr. Clarke. Smith 
hesitated; he knew better even than the foreman 

I ill -II \ME OF \II\\l \POLIS 87 
power and resources of the Ames gang. But 
he came to believe in Mr. Clarke, ju*t as Ed- 
wards had; he was sure the foreman would win; 
o he went over to his side, and, having once de- 
cided, he led the open fighting, and, alone in 
t, won cases against men who had the best 
lawyers in the State to defend them. Hi* court 
record is extraordin/u M -. h. took over 

negotiations with rrimiimls for evidence, 
Messrs, (lark., II:. M, KUood, and the other 
jurors providing means and moral support. 
These were needed. Hriln's were offered to 
Smith: he was thrc/it.n.d. he was called a fool. 
But so was Clark. -, to whom $28,000 was offered 
to quit, and for whose slaughter a slugger was 
hired i i^o. What start U-d the 

most, however, was the character of the citi- 
zens who were sent to them to dissuade them from 

course. No reform I ever studied has failed 
to bring out this phenomenon of virtuous cow- 
ardice, the baseness of the decent citizen. 

hintf .stopp.-d tli> jurv, howrvt r. They 
had courage. Thrv in< > irdner, Norbeck, 

Fred Ames, and many lesser persons. But tin- 
gang had courage, too, and raised a defense fund 
ke. Mayor Ames was defiant. Once, 
ul,n Mr l dKd at tin- City Hull, the 

mayor met and challenged him. The ma 

heelers were all about him, but Clarke faced 

" Yes, Doc Ames, I'm after you," he said. 
" I've been in this town for seventeen years, and 
all that time you've been a moral leper. I hear 
you were rotten during the ten years before that. 
Now I'm going to put you where all contagious 
things are put where you cannot contaminate 
anybody else." 

The trial of Gardner came on. Efforts had 
been made to persuade him to surrender the 
mayor, but the young man was paid $15,000 " to 
stand pat," and he went to trial and conviction 
silent. Other trials followed fast NorbV>, 
Fred Ames's, Chief of Detectives Kind's. Wit- 
nesses who were out of the State were needed, and 
true testimony from women. There was no 
county money for extradition, so the grand 
jurors paid these costs also. They had Meix fol- 
lowed from Michigan down to Mexico and back to 
Idaho, where they got him, and he was presented 
in court one day at the trial of Norbeck, who had 
" steered " him out of town. Norbeck thought 
Meix was a thousand miles away, and had been 
bold before. At the sight of him in court he 
started to his feet, and that night ran away. The 
jury spent more money in his pursuit, and they 
caught him. He confessed, but his evidence was 

Till. SII \M1 INM \I'(.I I- -i 

not <> He was sentenced to three ycnr- in 

' prison. Mrn caved all around, hut th- 

n were firm, lir-t trial of Fred Ames 

<1. To break the women's faith in th. rm^, 

Mayor Ames was in 

HVC Gardner made sheriff a ;. .hut 

not the best case against him. It hmu-lit th.- 

MII to tin- truth, and Fred Ames, re- t 
was convicted and sentenced to six and a half 
years in State's prison. King was tried for acces- 
sory to felon \ MJT i n tin- theft of a diamond, 
which he afterward stole from t .es), and 
sentenced to three and a half years in prison. 
And -till tin- indictments came, with trials follow- 
fast. Al Smith resigned with tin- consent 
and thanks of the grand jury; h . who was 
to run for the same office again, wanted to try the 
rest of the cases, and he did very well. 

All m< n ucre now on the side of law and order. 

I ; _: the "grafters" was laughable, 

in spite of its hideous significance. Two heads of 

departments against whom nothing had been 

i Mid. I. iily ran away, and thus suggested to 

ur.ind jury an inquiry which revealed an- 

<f " jrraft," in the sale of supplies 

to puhlic institutions and t! ion of great 

quantities of profiaioiM t<> the private residences 

of the mayor and other officials. Mayor Ames, 


under indictment and heavy bornN for \tnrt ion, 
conspiracy, and bribe-offering, left the State on 
n night train; a gentleman who knew him by 
sight saw him sitting up at eleven o'clock in the 
smoking-room of the sleeping-car, an unlightcd 
cigar in his mouth, his face a-h< -u and drawn, and 
at six o'clock the next morning he still was sitting 
time, his cigar still unlightcd. He went to West 
Baden, a health resort in Indiana, a sick and 
broken man, aging years in a month. The city 
was without a mayor, the ring was without a 
leader; cliques ruled, and they pictured one an- 
other hanging about the grand-jury room beg- 
ging leave to turn State's evidence. Tom Brown, 
the mayor's secretary, was in the mayor's chair; 
across the hall sat Fred Ames, the chief of police, 
balancing Brown's light weight. Both were busy 
forming cliques within the ring. Brown had on 
his side Coffee John and Police Captain Hill. 
Ames had Captain "Norm" King (though he 
had been convicted and had resigned), Captain 
Krumweide, and Ernest Wheelock, the chief's sec- 
retary. Alderman D. Percy Jones, the president 
of the council, an honorable man, should have 
taken the chair, but he was in the East; so this 
unstable equilibrium was all the city had by way 
of a government. 

Then Fred Ames disappeared. The Tom 

I 111 SI1 \M1. u| \Ii\\i M'OMS 1)1 
Brown clique had full sway, and took over the 

t inent. This was a shock to every- 
body, to none more than to tin- King clique, 
nine I : in the search for Aim*. An n 

man, Fred M. Powers, who was to run for mayor 
.ii t B ihlican tukrt, tm,k charge of tin- 
major 9 ! office, but he was not sure of his au- 

nr as to his poll- md jury 

was the real pow <1 him, and tin- foreman 

was telegraphing f< man Jones. Mean- 

|ue wen n i.i king appeals to Mayor 

Ames, in West Baden, and each sid. that saw him 

\ed autlmrity to do its will. The Coffee John 

flujue, (K-iiird admission to the grand-jury room, 

turned to Alderman Powers, and were beginning 

to feel secure, wlu-n tin \ In -an I red Ames 

was coming hack. They rushed around, and ob- 

(i an assurann tiom t! I mayor that 

I was returning only to resign. Fred now 

until r coimrtion n tunnel, hut he did not re- 

>ign ; supported by his friends, he took charge 

again of the police force. Coffee John besought 

>wers to remove tlu- chief, and wh-n 
the acting mayor proved himself too timid, Coffee 
John, Tom Brown, and Captain Hill laid a deep 

would ask Mayor Ames to remove his 
hrotlur. This they felt >ure they could persuade 
the u old man" to do. The difficulty was to 


him from changing his mind when the other 
side should rearh his car. They hit upon a hold 
expedient. Thrv would urgi 1 thr "old man" to 
remove Fred, and then resign himself, so that he 
could not undo the deed that they wanted done. 
Coffee John and Captain Hill slipped out of 
town one night ; they reached West Baden on one 
train and they left for home on the next, with a 
demand for Fred's resignation in one hand and 
the mayor's own in the other. Fred Anus did 
resign, and though the mayor's resignation was 
laid aside for a while, to avoid the of a 

special election, all looked well for Coffee John 
and his clique. They had Fred out, and Alderman 
Powers was to make them great. But Mr. Tow- 
ers wabbled. No doubt the grand jury spoke to 
him. At any rate he turned most unexpectedly 
on both cliques together. He turned out Tom 
Brown, but he turned out also Coffee John, and 
he did not make their man chief of police, but an- 
other of someone else's selection. A number of 
resignations was the result, and these the acting 
mayor accepted, making a clearing of astonished 
rascals which was very gratifying to the grand 
jury and to the nervous citizens of Minne- 

But the town was not yet easy. The grand jury, 
which was the actual head of the government, was 

I 111. HI AMI. n| M1\M M'ul 1- " 
about to be discharged, and, beside-., th.-ir work 
was dcstnutiM. A constructive force wa* now 
needed, and Alderman Jones was pelted with tel- 
egrams t Mg him hurry back. II- 
did hurry, and when he arrived, tin- i was 
instantly in control. The grand jury prepared to 
report, for the city had a mind and a will of 
its own once more. The criminals found it out 

Percy Jones, as hi- hi- ml* call him, is of 
M-conil generation of his family in Minne- 
apolis. His fat! 1 him \vrll to do, ami h<- 

'1C WaS Start. ,1. Collr^r i 

uatc and business man, he has a conscience whirl), 

i is brains enough to question. 1 
not the fighter, hut th<- slow, sure executive. As 
an alderman he is the result of a movement begun 
several years ago by some young men who were 
inccd by an exposure of a corrupt municipal 
eouneil that they should go into politics. A few 

did go in ; Jones was one of these few. 

Tlu- acting mayor was confronted at once with 
all the hardest problems of municipal government, 
rose right up to tempt or to fight him. He 
stinli.-.l tli. situation deliberately, and by and by 
began to settle it point by point, slowly but 
finally, against all sorts of opposition. One of 
his first acts was to remove all the proved rascals 


on tin- force, putting in their places mm who had 
been removed by Mayor Ames. Another impor- 
tant step was the appointment of a church deacon 
and personal friend to he chief of police, this on 
the theory that he wanted at the head of his 
police a man who could have no sympathy with 
crime, a man whom he could implicitly trust. Dis- 
orderly houses, forbidden by law, were permitted, 
but only within certain patrol lines, and they 
were to pay nothing, in either blackmail or 
" fines." The number and the standing and the 
point of view of the " good people " who opposed 
this order was a lesson to Mr. Jones in practical 
government. One very prominent citi/en and 
church member threatened him for driving women 
out of two flats owned by him; the rent was t In- 
surest means of " support for his wife and chil- 
dren." Mr. Jones enforced his order. 

Other interests saloon-keepers, brewers, etc. 
gave him trouble enough, but all these were trifles 
in comparison with his experience with the gam- 
blers. They represented organized crime, and they 
asked for a hearing. Mr. Jones gave them some 
six weeks for negotiations. They proposed a solu- 
tion. They said that if he would let them (a syn- 
dicate) open four gambling places downtown, 
they would see that no others ran in any part of 
the city. Mr. Jones pondered and shook his head, 

i ill. -ii VMI: 01 MI\\I. \POUS 95 

draw (i. They went away, and came 


the associates of criminal*, tin \ km that class 
.u:. I Him pUns. No hoi . unaided, 

i w:th . Thieve* would soon be at 

work again, and what could Mr. Jones do against 
th a po roe headed by a church 

deacon ' The ^amhliTS offered to control the crim 
inals for tl, 

Mr. Jones, deeply interested, declared 
not Iwliexe there was any danger of fresh crimes. 
l -ainhh !-s n i went away. By an odd 

r that what 

tin- papers called ** an epidemic of crime." Tin v 
were p t . hut they occupied the mind <>i' 

the acting mayor. II< wondered at their oppor- 
ttin. n. >N. H, \\ oiid. red how the news of them got 


Tit. ^unlilers soon reappeared. H.-idn't 
told m crinir would soon be prevalent in 

town again? They had, indd, hut the mayor 
Was uiiino\.-d ; M porch climhers" could not frighten 
him. Hut this was onlv the he^iiniin^c, the gam- 
blers said: the larger crimes would \t. And 
they went away again. Sure enough, the large 
crimes rame. One, two, three burglaries of jewelry 
in the houses of well-known people occurred; 
there wu> a fourth, and the fourth vsa>, in the 


house of a relative of the acting mayor. He was 
seriously amused. Tlu papers had tlu m-\\s 
promptly, and not from tin- police. 

The gamblers called again. If they could have 
the exclusive control of gambling in Minneapolis, 
tlu -y would do all that they had promised before, 
and, if any large burglaries occurred, they would 
undertake to recover the " swag," and sometimes 
catch the thief. Mr. Jones was skeptical of their 
ability to do all this. The gamblers offered to 
prove it. How? They would get back for Mr. 
Jones the jewelry recently reported stolen from 
four houses in town. Mr. Jones expressed a curi- 
osity to see this done, and the gamblers went away. 
After a few days the stolen jewelry, parcel by 
parcel, began to return; with all due police-crim- 
inal mystery it was delivered to the chief of 

When the gamblers called again, they found 
the acting mayor ready to give his decision on 
their propositions. It was this: There should be 
no gambling, with police connivance, in the city of 
Minneapolis during his term of office. 

Mr. Jones told me that if he had before him a 
long term, he certainly would reconsider tliis 
answer. He believed he would decide again as he 
had already, but he would at least give studious re- 
flection to the question Can a city be governed 

i in. -ii \MI: or \u\\i vi'oi i- B7 

without any ulliaiin- uitli rrim< ' It wiifi an open 


months of hi* emergency adn Minm-- 

apolin should be clean and K\N A hil 

at least, and the new adminutration should begin 
a clear deck. 



classic question, " What are von 
to do about it? " is the must humiliating chal! 

1 h\ tin- One Man to tin- Many. Hut 
it was pert in. nt. It was the question then; it is 
tin- question now. Will tin- people rule? That is 
what it means. Is democracy possible? The ac- 
counts of financial corruption in St. Louis and of 
police corruption in Minneapolis raised the same 
question. They wen- inquiries into American mu- 
nicipal democracy, and, so far as they went, they 
were pretty complete answers. The people 
wouldn't riili. They would have flown to arms to 
resist a czar or a king, but they let a " mucker " 
oppress and disgrace and sill them out. " Neg- 
* so they de>crihe their impotence. But when 
their shame was laid bare, what did they do then? 
That is what Tweed, the tyrant, wanted to know, 
and that is what the democracy of this country 
needs to know. 

Minneapolis answered Tweed. With Mayor 
Ames a fugitive, the city was reformed, and when 
he was brought back he was tried and convicted. 

No city ever profited so promptly by the lesson 
of its sluime. The people had nothing to do with 
tlu exposure that was an accident nor with the 
reconstruction. Hovey C. Clarke, who attacked 
the Ames ring, tore it all to pieces ; and D. Percy 
Jones, who re-established the city government, 
built a well-nigh perfect thing. There was little 
left for the people to do but choose at the next 
regular election between two candidates for mayor, 
one obviously better than the other, but that they 
did do. They ^scratched some ten thousand ballots 
to do their small part decisively and well. So much 
by way of revolt. The future will bring Minne- 
apolis up to the real test. The men who saved the 
city this time have organized to keep it safe, and 
make the memory of " Doc " Ames a civic treas- 
ure, and Minneapolis a city without reproach. 

Minneapolis may fail, as New York has failed: 
but at least these two cities could be moved by 
shame. Not so St. Louis. Joseph W. Folk, the 
Circuit Attorney, who began alone, is going right 
on alone, indicting, trying, convicting boodlers, 
high and low, following the workings of the com- 
bine through all of its startling ramifications, and 
spreading before the people, in the form of testi- 
mony given under oath, the confessions by the 
boodlers themselves of the whole wretched story. 
St. Louis is unmoved and unashamed. St. Louis 


MODS to me to be something n. -w in tin- history of 
;o\, nuiM-nt of the people, by the rascal- 

" Tweed Days in St. Louis" did not Ml half 

I !is know of tin- condition of 

tin- C ';,. ri.;it art id.- d, H ,,w in 1898, 

1899, and 1900, under the administ ration of 

in, boodlin^ d. \. lop, d into tlic 

only real business of tin- city jrovi -rnnu-nt. - 

. ! was written, fourtrru ini-ii have been 
. .md half a score have confessed, so that 
some measure of the magnitude of the business 
and of tin importance of the interests concerned 
has been given. Th< n it was related that com 
" of municipal legislators sold rights, priv- 
ileges, and pulilic franchises for their own indi- 
vidual profit, and at n -'Iar schedule rates. Now 

Uoodlers have de- 

:>i-d the insid, 1 !' the combines, \\ith 

tln-ir unfulfilled plan->. Then we understood that 
these combines did the boodling. Now we know 
that they had a leader, a boss, who, a rich man 
himself, represented the financial district and 
prompted the boodling till the system burst. We 
then how Mr. Folk, a man little known, was 
nominated against his will for Circuit Attorney; 
how he warned the politicians who named him ; how 
he proceeded against th- M- MUHC men as against or- 


din.-iry criminals. Now we have these men con- 

We saw Charles H. Turner, the president 
of the Suburban Railway Co., and Philip H. 
Stock, the secretary of the St. Louis Brewing Co., 
the first jto " peach," telling to the grand jury 
the story of their bribe fund of $144,000, put into 
safe-deposit vaults, to be paid to the legislators 
when the Suburban franchise was granted. St. 
Louis has seen these two men dashing forth " like 
fire horses," the one (Mr. Turner) from the presi- 
dency of the Commonwealth Trust Company, the 
other from his brewing company secretaryship, to 
recite again and again in the criminal courts their 
miserable story, and count over and over for the 
jury the dirty bills of that bribe fund. And when 
they had given their testimony, and the boodlers 
one after another were convicted, these witnesses 
have hurried back to their places of business and 
the convicts to their seats in the municipal as- 
sembly. This is literally true. In the House of 
Delegates sit, under sentence, as follows: Charles 
F. Kelly, two years ; Charles J. Denny, three years 
and five years ; Henry A. Faulkner, two years ; E. 
E. Murrell, State's witness, but not tried.* Nay, 
this House, with such a membership, had the au- 
dacity last fall to refuse to pass an appropriation 
*See Post Scriptum, end of chapter. 

M I '-.Ik to go on with his investiga- 
tion and ; <>n of boodling. 

ltight here is Die point. In nth. r cities mere 
exposure has been sufficient to overthrow a corrupt 

regime. In St. Louis tin- cnnxictinn of tin- boo- 

!ons in control, tin- system intact, 

ami tin- people spectators. It is these people 

who an- int. Testing people, and the system 

they ha\e possible. 

Tin eomicted boodlers have described the sys- 
tem to me. Then- was no politics in it only 
business. The city of St. Louis is normal 1\ i; 
pnhli. founded on tin- home rule principle, tin- 

corporation IN a distinct political entity, uith no 
county to confuse it. Tl \Iivsouri, how- 

. is normally D.-inoc- d the legislature 

has taken political possession of the city by giving 
to the (Invcrnnr the appointment of the Police and 
ion Hoards. With a defective election law, 
the Democratic boss in the city became its abso- 
lute nil 

This boss is Edward R. Butler, bettor known as 
"Colonel Ed," or "Colonel Butler," or just 
"Boss." He is an Irishman by birth, a master 
horseshoer by trade, u good fellow by nature, at 
first, then by profession. Along in the seventies, 
tthcn he still wore the apron of his trade, and 
bossed his tough ward, he secured the agency for a 


Certain patent horsc.shoe which tlu- city railways 
liked and bought. Useful also as a politician, thev 
gave him a blanket contract to keep all their mules 
and horses shod. Butler's farrieries glowed all 
about the town, and his political influence >pr< a<l 
with his business; for everywhere hig Ed But lei- 
went there went a smile also, and encouragement 
for your weakness, no matter what it was. Like 
"Doc" Ames, of Minneapolis like the "good 
fellow" everywhere Butler won men by helping 
them to wreck themselves. A priest, the Rev. 
James Coffey, once denounced Butler from the 
pulpit as a corrupter of youth ; at another time a 
mother knelt in the aisle of a church, and during 
service audibly called upon Heaven for a visitation 
of affliction upon Butler for having ruined her 
son. These and similar incidents increased his 
power by advertising it. He grew bolder. He has 
been known to walk out of a voting-place and call 
across a cordon of police to a group of men at the 
curb, " Are there any more repeaters out here 
that want to vote again ? " 

They will tell you in St. Louis that Butler never 
did have much real power, that his boldness and the 
clamor against him made him seem great. Public 
protest is part of the power of every boss. So 
far, however, as I can gather, Butler was the 
leader of his organization, but only so long as he 

-II \ MI i.i \ISS OF ST. LOUIS 107 
was a partiitan politician; as he became a 
M bo< ' . grew carelcM about 

his machine, and did his boodle business with th. 
f tlu- w. ..f hnth i U any 

. tin- linudl. rs, a: !, say that in 

\iai-N in had about equal powt r with 

BJ, an.! linly Wat t 

Louis during the K.-pu! n of 

Ziegenhein, which was the worst in th. history of 

II- ni. t hod was to dictate enough of the 

idates on both tickets to enable him, by sc- 

hc worst from each, * the sort of 

me/l he r.<juirrd in his business. In other words, 

\\lnlr honist Democrats and K ms were 

' l<\al t point of h the- 

I ) and " ht," th I ) boss 

and his R, puhlican lioutenan* d \vhat part 

of each ticktt should h sent 

ar)inid Hut 1 | waters) by the 

&d to scratch ballots and "repent" 

. till the worst had made sure of th 

hv tlu- worst, and Hutk-r was in a position to 

do business. 

s was boodl ing, which is a more n f 
and n more dangerous forn rui>tion than 

police blackmail of Minneapolis. It inv< 
not thieves, gamblers, and common women, but in- 
fluential citizens, capitalists, and great corpora- 

tions. For the stock-in-trade of the boodlcr is tlio 
rights, privileges, franchises, and real property 
of the city, and his source of corruption is the top, 
not the bottom, of society. Butler, thrown early 
in his career into contact with corporation man- 
agers, proved so useful to them that they intro- 
duced him to other financiers, and the scandal of 
his services attracted to him in due course all men 
who wanted things the city had to give. The 
boodlers told me that, according to the tradition 
of their combine, there " always was boodling in 
St. Louis." 

Butler organized and systematized and de- 
veloped it into a regular financial institution, 
and made it an integral part of the business 
community. He had for clients, regular or occa- 
sional, bankers and promoters; and the state- 
ments of boodlers, not yet on record, allege that 
every transportation and public convenience com- 
pany that touches St. Louis had dealings with 
Butler's combine. And my best information is 
that these interests were not victims. Blackmail 
came in time, but in the beginning they originated 
the schemes of loot and started Butler on his 
career. Some interests paid him a regular salary, 
others a fee, and again he was a partner in the en- 
terprise, with a special " rake-off " for his in- 
fluence. " Fee " and " present " are his terms, 


ami h< haii npok< ly of taking and giving 

i Carded hi* charges as 

legitimate (he is th- < I .M H ') ; but nc knew 

some people thought liis services wrong. II 

said, \\ln-ii he had recei\'d hi- f for a 

piece of h. " went home and prayed 

the in. .iMin- mi-ht pass," and, he added 

lj, that usually his prayers were an- 

iwered 91 

His prayers were "usually answered*' by th< 
.Municipal Avsrinhlv. This legislative body is di- 
vided into two houses the upper, calli tin- Coun- 
cil, consisting of thirttt ii m< inbcrs, elected at 
large; th< l..u, r, c.i!!.<l th<- House of I) -N-gatem, 
\\ith t\\-nt\ . i-ht UK mbrrs, rlrcted by wards; and 
each in. inhi r of tlu-M- hodirs i> paid twenty-ti\ dol- 
lars a month .salary hv tin- city. With the mayor, 

Asscmhly has practically complete control of 
all public property and valuable rights. Though 
Hutlcr sometimes could rent or ou n the mayor, he 
preferred to be independent of him, so he formed 
in each part of the legislature a two-thirds ma- 

\ in the Council nine, in the House nine- 
teen which could pass bills o\er a veto. These 
were the - oombinea.' 1 regularly or- 

(I. and did their business under parliamen- 
tary rules. Each *' combine " elected its chairman, 
\\ho wa.s elected chairman also of the legal bodies^ 


where he appointed the committees, naming to each 
a majority of combine members. 

In the early history of the combines, Butler's 
control was complete, because it was political. He 
picked the men who were to be legislators ; they 
did as he bade them do, and the boodling was 
noiseless, safe, and moderate in price. Only 
wrongful acts were charged for, and a right once 
sold was good; for Butler kept his word. The 
definition of an honest man as one who will stay 
bought, fitted him. But it takes a very strong 
man to control himself and others when the money 
lust grows big, and it certainly grew big in St. 
Louis. Butler used to watch the downtown dis- 
tricts. He knew everybody, and when a railroad 
wanted a switch, or a financial house a franchise, 
Butler learned of it early. Sometimes he dis- 
covered the need and suggested it. Naming the 
regular price, say $10,000, he would tell the 
" boys " what was coming, and that there would 
be $1,000 to divide. He kept the rest, and the 
city got nothing. The bill was introduced and 
held up till Butler gave the word that the money 
was in hand; then it passed. As the basin ^ 
grew, however, not only illegitimate, but legitimate 
permissions were charged for, and at gradually in- 
creasing rates. Citizens who asked leave to make 
excavations in streets for any purpose, neighbor- 


is that had to have imps all had to 

pay, arid th-\ <!;.! pay. In irs there waj 

no other way. Business men who complained felt 
a certain pressure brought to bear on them from 
most mi' d<>unti 

A business man told me that a railroad which 
had a hranch near I. ry suggested that he 

go to th< Municipal Legislature and get permis- 
sion to have a switch run into his yard. He liked 
tin- idea, hut when he found it would cost him eight 
n thousand dollars, he gave it up. Then the 
railroad became slow about handling his freight, 
lie understood, and, heing a fighter, he ferried the 
goods across th to anotl 1. That 

brought him the switch; and when he asked about 
it, the railroad man said: 

44 Oh, we got it done. You see, we pay a reg- 
ular salary to some of those fellows, and they did 
it for us for nothing." 

44 Then why in the deuce did you send me to 
them? " a>ked the manufacturer. 

" We!!. \>u see," was the answer, "we like to 
in with them, and when we can throw them a 
little outside business we do." 

In other words, a great railway corporation, not 

nt with paying bribe salaries to these boodle 

aldermen, was ready, further to oblige them, to 

help i manufacturer and a customer {* 


go also and be blackmailed 1>\ t In- Ixxxllrrs. kk How 
om you buck a game like that? " this man asked 

Very few tried to. Blackmail was all in the or- 
dinary course of business, and the habit of sub- 
mission became fixed a habit of mind. The 
city itself was kept in darkness for weeks, pending 
the payment of $175,000 in bribes on the lighting 
contract, and complaining citizens went for light 
where Mayor Ziegenhein told them to go to the 

Boodling was safe, and boodling was fat. But- 
ler became rich and greedy, and neglectful of poli- 
tics. Outside capital came in, and finding Butler 
bought, went over his head to the boodle combines. 
These creatures learned thus the value of fran- 
chises, and that Butler had been giving them an 
unduly small share of the boodle. 

Then began a struggle, enormous in its vile mel- 
odrama, for control of corruption Butler to 
squeeze the municipal legislators and save his 
profits, they to wring from him their " fair share." 
Combines were formed within the old combines to 
make him pay more; and although he still was 
the legislative agent of the inner ring, he had to 
keep in his secret pay men who would argue for 
low rates, while the combine members, suspicious 
of one another, appointed their own legislative 


agent to mint Butler. Not sure even then, the 

clique* appoint. .I " follow 

agent, watch him en NT'S house, and then 

v him to the place where the money was to 

be distrilmted. < \ CiutU and 

Mum II represented Uutler in the House of lk*le- 

I'thofT in the 

< !u T members suspected that these 

men got "something hi^ r ,,,, the side," so Butl.-r 
to hire a third to betray tin- comhinr to him. 
In the House, Robertson was the man. V 
(intkr had m.tifi.d tli.' . that a deal was 
on, and a iiu-rtiiig was calU-d, tin- rlmirman would 

44 (init K MMi-n, the husiness before us to-night is 
[say] t)ie Siih urban Railway Bill. How much 
shall we ask IW 

Gutke would move that " the price be $40,000." 
Some mrmhrr of tin- outer rin<j would move $100,- 
000 as fair boo<ll . Th. <|. I -, uaxed hot, 

and you hear of the drawing of revolvers. In this 
case (of the Suburban Railway) Robertson rose 
and move d a t <>mpi oinise of $75,000, urging mod- 
on, lest they get nothing, and hU price was 
d. Tlu-n tlu-y would lohhv <>\ r tin- appoint- 
nirnt of tlu a^nit. Tlu-v did not want (iutke, or 
anvoiu- Hut It r owned, so tlu-y chose some other; 
and having adjourned, the outer ring would send 


a " trailer " to watch the agent, and sometime- a 

second " trailer" to wateh the !ir-. 

They began to work up business on their own ac- 
count, and, all decency gone, they sold out some- 
times to both -ide- of a fight. The Central Trac- 
tion deal in 1898 was an instance of this. Robert 
M. Sn\der, a capitalist and promoter, of New 
York and Kansas City, came into St. Louis with a 
traction proposition inimical to the city railway in- 
ts. These felt secure. Through But In- tiny 
u < re paying seven members of the Council $5,000 
a year each, but as a precaution John Scullin, But- 
ler's associate, and one of the ablest capitalists of 
St. Louis, paid Councilman Uthoff a special re- 
tainer of $25,000 to watch the salaried boodlers. 
When Snyder found Butler and the combines 
against him, he set about buying the members indi- 
vidually, and, opening wine at his headquarters, be- 
gan bidding for votes. This was the first break 
from Butler in a big deal, and caused great agi- 
tation among the boodlers. They did not go ri^ht 
over to Snyder; they saw Butler, and with Snydcr"- 
valuation of the franchise before them, made the 
boss go up to $175,000. Then the Council com- 
bine called a meeting in Gast's Garden to see if 
they could not agree on a price. Butler sent Ut- 
hoff there with instructions to cause a disagree- 
ment, or fix a price so high that Snyder would re- 

BHAMELES8NE88 Ol B1 i"i'IS 115 
fine to pay it. UthoflT obeyed, and, sugg* 
$250,000, persuaded some members to hold otr 

II tlu nut ting broke up in a row. Then it waa 

i for himself, and nil hurried to Me Butl< r, 
and to see Snydcr too. In tin- scramble vnt 
prices were paid I ouncilmen got 

Snydcr $10,000 each, one got $15,000, an 
$17,500, and one $50,000 ; t -,v, nty-fivc members of 
I louse of Delegates got $3,000 earl, from him. 
In all, Snydcr paid $250,000 for t , and 

Hutler and lii- hack.-r-. paid only $175,000 

to beat it, the h-.m. hisc was passed. Snyder 
turned around and sold it to his old opponents for 
$1,250,000. It was worth twice as much. 

The man who received $50,000 from Snyder was 

inn- I'thofV uho had t. ikon $25,000 from John 

Srullin, and his story as he has told it sincr on tlu i 

stand is the most romiral iru -id. -nt of the exposure. 

-ivder, with his "overcoat full of 

money," came out to hi-, IH.UM- to SH- him. 'I 

n^rthrr on a sofa, and wh-n Snyil.-r was gone 
I'thoff found beside him a j) i '.lining $50,- 

000. This he returned to the promoter, uith the 

MI. nt that he could not accept it, since he had 
already taken $25,000 from t ; but he 

intimated tl. ould take $100,000. This 

lised, so Uthoff voted for the 1 


The nr\t day Hutli r called at Uthoff's house. 
Uthoff spoke first. 

" I want to return this," he said, handing But- 
ler tin package of $25,000. 

Hint's what I cam.- after," said Htitler. 

When Uthoff told this in the trial of Snyder, 
Snydcr's counsel asked why he returned this 

" Because it wasn't mine," exclaimed Uthoff, 
flushing with anger. " I hadn't earned it." 

But he believed he had earned the $100,000, and 
he besought Snyder for that sum, or, anyway, the 
$50,000. Snyder made him drink, and gave him 
just $5,000, taking by way of receipt a signed 
statement that the reports of bribery in connec- 
tion with the Central Traction deal were utterly 
false; that " I [Uthoff] know you [Snyder] to be 
as far above offering a bribe as I am of taking 

Irregular as all this was, however, the legisla- 
tors kept up a pretense of partisanship and de- 
cency. In the debates arranged for in the combine 
caucus, a member or two were told off to make 
partisan speeches. Sometimes they were instructed 
to attack the combine, and one or two of the rascal-; 
used to take delight in arraigning their friends on 
the floor of the House, charging them with the ex- 
act facts. 

But for tin- serious work no one knew hit pa 

. r had with liiui Kepuhlicans and Democrat*, 
and there w. tilicans and Democrat* among 

those against him. He could trust none not in his 
pecial pay. He was the chief bood 
the legislature's beat his pohtic.d influence 

began to dept ml upon hi* boodling instead of the 

1 ! is ti millionaire two or three times over now, 
but it is related that to someone who advised him 
to quit in time I .1 that it wasn't a matter 

of money alone with him : he liked the business, and 
would rather make fifty dollars out of a - 
than $500 in stocks. He enjoyed buying 
chises cheap and sell u dear. In the light - 

in- dral of 1899 Butler received $150,000, and 
i out only $85,OOO $47,500 to the Houre, 

$87,500 to tin- Council and th- Im^liiitf with the 
IM comhin.- cat^.d tli.. \\ivks of total dark- 
nets in tin- citv. He had (iutke tell this comhine 
that he could d:\ide only $20,000 amon^c them. 

| voted the measure, but, suspecting Hut 
" holding ,,iit on them/' moved to reconsid 

furious, and a crowd went 

w ith ropes to the City Hall the ni^ht the motion to 
reconsider came up; hut the comhine \\a> deter- 
mined. Hutler \vas there in person I I. was more 
an the di legates, and the sweat rolled 


down his face as he bargained with them. With 
the whole crowd looking on, and reporters so near 
that a delegate told me la- expected to see the con- 
versation in the papers the next morning, Butler 
threatened and pleaded, but finally promised to di- 
\ ide $47,500. That was an occasion for a burst of 
eloquence. The orators, indicating the citi/.ns 
with ropes, declared that .since it was plain the 
people wanted light, they would vote them light. 
And no doubt the people thought they had won, 
for it was not known till much later that the votes 
were bought by Butler, and that the citizens only 
hastened a corrupt bargain. 

The next big boodle measure that Butler missed 
was the Suburban Traction, the same that led lon^ 
after to disaster. This is the story Turner and 
Stock have been telling over and over in the boodle 
trials. Turner and his friends in the St. Louis 
Suburban Railway Company sought a franchise, 
for which they were willing to pay large bribes. 
Turner spoke about it to Butler, who said it would 
cost $145,000. This seemed too much, and Turner 
asked Stock to lobby the measure through. Stock 
managed it, but it cost him $144,000 $135,000 
for the combine, $9,000 extra for Mcysenburg 
and then, before the money was paid over and the 
company in possession of its privilege, an injunc- 
tion put a stop to all proceedings. The money 

-II \Ml.l.l.--\l ss OF ST. LOUIS 119 
won in safe-deposit \aulu $75,000 for the HOUM? 
com!, -if, $60,000 for the Council combi- 

>ther and when the legislature mljinin. 
long fight for the money nfftfd But NT chuckled 
over tin hun^lin^. He is said to have drawn from 
jt tin- lesson tha- n you want a franchise, 

don't go to a 'Or it ; pay an ami lull 

i- t he goods." 

But tin- cnmhine dn <>wn conclusions from 

it, and tl il was, that though hoodling was 

a business by itself, it was a good business, and so 
easy that anybody could 1. .mi it by study. 

study it tin \ did. Two told me rcpeat- 

edly that they tra\.le<l ahout th- country looking 
up the hu.siiu-s*, and that a frllnwNhip had grown 
up among boo<Iling ald< rman of tin- leading cities 
in the rnitrd States, ronunit t. -s Chicago 
would come to St. Louis to find out what u new 
games " the St. Louis boodlers had, and tlu-y gave 
the St. Louixaiis hints as to how th \ "dil th 
ness" in Chicago. So t ! > _-o and St. Louis 
boodlers used to visit ( d and PitUhur^ 

and all the other cities, or, if the distance was too 
great, they got their ideas by those my>t -rious 
channels which run all through th< M \\ 

The meeting ])la 91 Louis was ]} 

er's stable, and ideas unfold- d there were developed 
into plans which, the boodlers say to-day, are only 


in abcynnro. In I)rk T'S stable the idea \\as horn 
to sell the Tnion Market ; and though tin- deal did 
not go through, the hoodlirs, \\lirn tlicv .saw it fail- 
ing, made the market men pay $10,000 for killing 
it. This scheme is laid asidr for tin- future. An- 
other that failed was to sell the court housr, and 
this was well under way when it was discovered that 
the ground on which this public building stands 
was given to the city on condition that it was to 
be used for a court-house and nothing 1 1 

But the grandest idea of all came from Phila- 
delphia. In that city the gas-works were sold out 
to a private concern, and the water-works were to 
be sold next. The St. Louis fellows have been try- 
ing ever since to find a purchaser for their water- 
works. The plant is worth at least $40,000,000. 
But the boodlers thought they could let it go at 
$15,000,000, and get $1,000,000 or so themselves 
for the bargain. " The scheme was to do it and 
skip," said one of the boodlers who told me about 
it, " and if you could mix it all up with some filter- 
ing scheme it could be done; only some of us 
thought we could make more than $1,000,000 out 
of it a fortune apiece. It will be done some 

Such, then, is the boodling system as we see it 
in St. Louis. Everything the city owned was for 
sale by the officers elected by the people. The pur- 


chanen* might be willing m unwilling taken; they 

illicit be nti/cns .r outsiders; it was all on.- to 

..;o\ eminent. So long a* tllC BMBlbcn of 

^t thr proceeds they would M 11 out 

\\ . J .1,.! ami they uill- If 

a city treasurer runs away with $50,000 there in a 
great halloo about it. In St. Louis ' !irly 

organi/cd thie\rs \\lio rule have sold $00,000,000 
worth of franchise* and other valuable municipal 
assets. This is the estimate made for me by a 
banker, who said that the boodlers got not one- 
tenth of the \alue of the things they sold, but were 
content because t! it all themselves. And as 

to t! boodling infonnants said that all 

the possessions of the ritv m T future 

that the list was in exi unl that the 

sale of these properties was only postponed on ac- 

f Mr. Folk. 

Preposterous? It certainly would seem so; but 
watch the people of St. Louis as I have, and as 
the boodlers have then judge. 

,1 remember, fir^t, that Mr. Folk really was 
an n St. Louis knew in a general way, as 

other cities to-day know, what was going on, but 

was no popular movement. I'olit: 
named and elected him, and they expected no 
trouble from him. The moment be took office, on 
January 1, 1901, ButK-r called on him to appoint 


an organization man first assistant. When Folk 
n t'iiM<l, Butler could not understand it. Goin<_c 
away angry, he was back in three days to have 
hi* man appointed second assistant. The refusal 
of this also had some effect. The boodlers say But- 
ler came out and bade them " look out ; I can't do 
anything with Folk, and I wouldn't wonder if In- 
got after you." They took the warning ; Butler did 
not. It seems never to have occurred to him that 
Mr. Folk would " get after " him. 

What Butler felt, the public felt. When Mr. 
Folk took up, as he did immediately, election fraud 
cases, Butler called on him again, and told him 
which men he might not prosecute in earnest. The 
town laughed. When Butler was sent about his 
business, and Folk proceeded in earnest against 
the repeaters of both parties, even those who " had 
helped elect him," there was a sensation. But the 
stir was due to the novelty and the incomprehensi- 
bility of such non-partisan conduct in public office. 
Incredulous of honesty, St. Louis manifested the 
first signs of that faith in evil which is so char- 
acteristic of it. " Why didn't Mr. Folk take up 
boodling? " was the cynical challenge. " What do 
a few miserable repeaters amount to ? " 

Mr. Folk is a man of remarkable equanimity. 
When he has laid a course, he steers by it truly, 
and nothing can excite or divert him. He had said 

-II \\I1I I --NESS OF ST. LOUIS 1*3 

he would " do hi* dut vrould expoftc 

ipti.m or n form St. Ix>uui; and beyond w. 
ing devt ! nothing for a year to an- 

t!;,- pn> llonge. Hut In- was making 

prcparat \il lawyer, he was studying 

rriiuiiial hiw ; and uh n, on January 8, 1902, he 
taw in the St. Louis Star a paragraph aboir 
Suhurhan hrih- fund in hank, lie was ready. li- 
mit smmuonsrs by the wholesale for bankers, 
Subii! ; ul way officials and directors, legisla- 

tors and politicians, and before the grand jury 
tin- hour for days and days. 

Nobody knew anything; and though Mr. Folk was 
known to be "after tin hoodlers," those fellows 
and their fn iv not alarmed ai iblic 

was not satisfjrd. 

44 Gft indit ' was tin- rliallrnge now. It 

was a " bluff M ; hut Mr. Folk took it up, and by a 
M hlutr " lu- M got an indictm, nt." And this is the 
way of it : the old row between the Suburban people 
and the hoodie comhinc was going on ; . hut 

in a very bitter spirit. The money, Iving in the 
safe-depo>it vaults, in cash, was claimed by both 
parties. The boodlers said it was theirs because 
they had don part by voting the franchise; 

- ihurbnn people said it was theirs becau>< they 
had not : tin- framhisr. The boodlers an- 

swered that the injunction against the franchise 

was not theirs, and they threatened to takr the de- 
pute before the grand jury. It was they who gave 
to a reporter a paragraph about the " boodle 
fund," and they meant to have it scare Turner and 
Stock. Stock really was "scared." When Mr. 
Folk's summons was served on him, he believed the 
boodlcrs had " squealed," and he fainted. The 
deputy who saw the effect of the summons told Mr. 
Folk, who, seeing in it only evidence of weakness 
and guilt, sent for the lawyer who represent 1 
Stock and Turner, and boldly gave him the choice 
for his clients of being witnesses or defendants. 
The lawyer was firm, but Folk advised him to con- 
sult his clients, and their choice was to be witn< 
Their confession and the seizure of the bribe fund 
in escrow gave Folk the whole inside story of the 
Suburban deal, and evidence in plenty for indict- 
ments. He took seven, and the reputation and 
standing of the first culprits showed right away not 
only the fearlessness of the prosecution, but the 
variety and power and wealth of the St. Louis spe- 
cies of boodler. There was Charles Kratz, agent 
of the Council combine ; John K. Murrell, agent of 
the House combine ; Emil A. Meysenburg, council- 
man and "good citizen" all for taking bril 
Kllis Wainwright and Henry Nicolaus, millionaire 
brewers, and directors of the Suburban Railway 
Company for bribery; and Julius Lehmann and 


y A. Faulkner, of tin- 1 I ouse combine, for per- 
1 newt caused com tarnation ; but the 
ring rail Aether, and the cyme* laid, 

icy never will b 

outlook was stormy. Mr. Folk felt now in 

full force the powerful int. r.-sts that opposed him. 

^landing of tome of the prisoners was one 

thing; another was tin- charaet. r of tin- men who 
r bail bond Butler for the bribe 
takers, other millionaires for the bribers. But 
most serious was the flow of persons who went to 
! '..Ik privately and besought or bade him dc- 
'lu-y were not alone , -olid, in- 

nocent htisiness mm, eminmt lawyers, and good 
Is. Hardly a man he knew but came to him 
ne or another, in one way or anoth. r , to 
plead for some rascal or other. Threats of assas- 
sinfition and political ruin, offers of political pro- 
motion and of renni! 

nerships, veiled bribes everything lie might fear 
was held up on one side, everything he might 
on the other. " \\ \ < n you are doing a thing lik- 

he says now, '* you cannot listen to anybody ;? 
you have to think for yoiirs.-lf and rely on yourself 
I knew I simply had to succeed; and, suc- 
cess or failure, I (Vlt that a political future was) 
not to be considered, so I shut out all idea if it." 
So he went on silently but surely; how surely 

may be inferred from the fact that in all his deal- 
ings with witnesses who turned State's evidi Mice Ju- 
lias not made one misstep; there have heen no mis- 
iimRTstaiidings, and no charges against him of 
foul play. While the pre.xMire from hehind never 
ceased, and the defiance hef'ore him was hold, " (Jo 
higher up " was the challenge. He was going 
higher up. With confessions of Turner and Stock, 
and the indictments for perjury for example-, he 
re-examined witnesses; and though the big men 
were furnishing the little boodlers with legal ad- 
vice and drilling them in their stories, there wen- 
breaks here and there. The story of the Central 
Traction deal began to develop, and that went 
higher up, straight into the group of millionaires 
led by Butler. 

But there was an impassable barrier in the law 
on bribery. American legislators do not lejrNate 
harshly against their chief vice. The State of 
Missouri limits the liability of a briber to three 
years, and the Traction deal was outlawed for 
most of the principals in it. But the law exccpted 
non-residents, and Mr. Folk found that in moments 
of vanity Robert M. Snyder had d< -crihed himself 
as " of New York," so he had Snyder indicted for 
hribery, and George J. Kobusch, president of the 
St. Louis Car Company, for perjury, Kobusch 
having sworn that he knew of no bribery for the 


nil Trm-tinn franchise, when lie himself had 
paid out money. Kobusch turned State's witness 
against > 

1 1 -h .-i- t iiete indictments were, the cry for But- 
ler |" and the skeptical tone of it made it 
'to break up the ring Mr. Folk had to 
: i the boss. And ! < him. Saved by 
missing the Suburban business, sa\i hy the law in 
affair, llutli-r lost by his te- 
merity ; he went on boodling aft. r Mr. Folk was in 
office. He offered 4t pre>- f $2,500 each to 
the two medical members of the !! -a 1th Hoard for 
approval of a garbage contra, -t which was to 
n. t him $333,500. So thr ol. I M i head 
!' the boodlers, and the h-^i Native agent of the fi- 
ll tlistrirt, was indifted. 
Hut th. irt, and tin- public faitli 

1 rcinnined steadfast. No one had been t 
Tin- trials were approaching, and th< understand- 
ing was that the first of them was to be made a 
A defeat might stop Mr. Folk, and he real- 
1 t-HYrt such a ri'Milt would have. Hut 

he was sure of his cases against Murnll and Kratz, 

and if In- coin ict< d t lu-in thr way was open to both 
ines and to tin- hi# iwn lu-hind them. To all 
appearances these men also were confident, and * it h 
tlu lawyers engaged for them they might well have 
been. Suddenly it was decided that Murrell was 

weak, and might " cave." He ran away. The 
.shock of this to the OOmnmnitj is hard to ivali/c 
now. It was the first public proof of guilt, and the 
first break in the rin# of little l)oodlers. To Mr. 
Folk it was the first serious check, for he could not 
now indict the House combine. Then, too, Kratz 
was in Florida, and the Circuit Attorney saw him- 
self going into court with tin- weakest of his early 
cases, that of Meysenburg. In genii im alarm lu 
moved heavy increases in the bail bonds. All the 
lawyers in all the cases combined to defeat this 
move, and the fight lasted for days ; but Mr. Folk 
won. Kratz returned in a rage to find bail. With 
his connections and his property he could give any 
amount, he boasted, and he offered $100,000. In 
spite of the protest of the counsel engaged for him, 
he insisted upon furnishing $20,000, and he de- 
nounced the effort to discredit him with the insinu- 
ation that such as he would avoid trial. He even 
asked to be tried first, but wiser heads on his side 
chose the Meysenburg case. 

The weakness of this case lay in the indirection 
of the bribe. Meysenburg, a business man of re- 
pute, took for his vote on the Suburban franchise, 
not money; he sold for $9,000 some two hundred 
shares of worthless stock. This might be made to 
look like a regular business transaction, and half a 
dozen of the best lawyers in the State appeared to 

HI \\ILI.I-\I.- - -i - i ! : 

prett that view. Mr. Folk, however, met these law- 
yer* |Miit by point, and point by |oint lie beat 
tin-in all, .iig a knowledge of law which as- 


^'ht Hell n form the 
method* of haranguing prosecutors all over 

illy wit) i* imper- 

attaek the prison i HfjWI 

!'>r that purpHs,-. He wan defending the 
State, not prosecuting t! .-de- 

lie telN his juries 

rouM enforce tin- law without punishing indixidu- 
ak, we should not l>. hm- ; hut we cannot. Only by 
making an example of tin < riminal can we pr< 

. to tin- prN cannot complain, 

because his own deeds are his dooms men." At 
one stage of the Faulkner trial, when ex-Governor 
.Johnson was talking about tlu- rights of the pris- 

k.-il that the State had r 

also. - Oil, .1 the rights of the State! " was 

tin- i 'id the jury heard it. Ma: 

have h-ard this riew. One of the permanent ser- 
vices Mr. Folk has rendered is to impress upoi 
minds, not only of juries, but of the people gen- 
erally, and in particular upon the Courts of Ap- 
peal (whirh - . that while the criin- 
Itiw has been developed into a great machine 
')u rights, and miu-h more, of the 


criminal, the rights of the State also should he 


M< \ i nhurg was found guilty and .sentenced to 
three years. Tin- man was shocked limp, and the 
ring brokt . Kratz ran away. He was advised to 
go, and, like M urn 11, lie had promises of plenty of 
money; unlike Miirrell, however, Kratz stood on 
the order of his going. He made the big fellows 
give him a large sum of cash, and for the fulfill- 
ment of their promise of more he waited menac- 
ingly in New Orleans. Supplied there with all he 
demanded, this Council leader stepped across into 
Mexico, and has gone into business there on a large 
scale. With Kratz safely away, the ring was 
nerved up again, and Meysenburg appeared in 
court with five well-known millionaires to give an 
appeal bond of $25,000. " I could have got 
more," he told the reporters, " but I guess that's 

With the way to both boodle combines closed 
thus by the flight of their go-betweens, Mr. Folk 
might well have been stayed; but he wasn't. He 
proceeded with his examination of witnesses, and to 
loosen their tongues he brought on the trials of 
Lehmann and Faulkner for perjury. They were 
well defended, but against them appeared, as 
against Meysenburg, President Turner, of the 
Suburban Railway, and Philip Stock, the brewery 


secretary. The perjurers were found guilty. 
Meanwhile M i k was tr\m^ through both 
Washington an. I Jefferson City to have Murrvll 
an. I KM'/ hrou^lit huck. These regular chsnoA 
fulling, hi- a} hi- sources of inform/iti. 

Murr.U's (th. II..u*e) combine, and he soon 
learned that the fugitive was ill, without money, 
and un.ihle to con lc with his wife or friends. 

Money that had been raised for him to flee with 
had been taken by others, and another fund sent to 
him hv a f. llow-boodl< r did not reach him. The 

tv-boodlcr did, but he failed to deliver the 
money. M urn 11 wanted to come home, and Mr. 
Folk, glad to welcome him, lit him come as far as a 
small town just outside of St. Louis. There he 
was held till Mr. Folk could arrange a coup and 
make sure of a witness to corroborate what Mur- 
rell should say; for, secun in the absence of Mur- 
r.ll, tin wlmlr House combine was denying every- 
thing. One day (in Sc| . 1902) Mr. Folk 

d one of them, George F. Robertson, in 4 

y had a long talk top- d Mr. Folk 

asked him, as he had time and again, to tell what 
he knew about th. Suburban deal. 

I have told you many times, Mr. Folk," 
said Robertson, " that I know nothing about 


" What would you say if you should si Mur- 
rc-11 here? " Mr. Folk Mked 

M Mimvll!" exclaimed Robertson. "That's 
good, that is. Why, yes, I'd like to sec Murrcll." 

Hi- was laughing as Mr. Folk went to tin- door 
and called, " Mi.rrdl." Murivll walked in. Rob- 
ertson's smile pas-, d. He gripped his seat, and 
arose like a man lifted by an electric shock. Once 
on his feet, he stood there staring as at a ghost. 

" Murrcll," said Mr. Folk quietly, M the jig is 
up, isn't it?" 

" Yes," said Murrcll, " it's all up." 

" You've told everything? " 

" Everything." 

Robertson sank into his chair. When he had 
time to recover his self-control, Mr. Folk asked 
him if he was ready to talk about the Suburban 

" Well, I don't see what else I can do, Mr. Folk ; 
you've got me." 

Robertson told all, and, with Murrell and 
Turner and Stock and the rolls of money to sup- 
port him, Mr. Folk indicted for bribery or per- 
jury, or both, the remaining members of the House 
combine, sixteen men at one swoop. Some es- 
caped. One, Charles Kelly, a leading witness in 
another case, fled to Europe with more money than 
anyone believed he owned, and he returned after 

a high time with plenty left. A leading financier 
of Missouri went away at about the ame time, 
nn.l when he got back, at about the tame time 
with Kelly, the statute of limitation in the finan- 
cier's cftse covered them both. 

\\ .th all his success these losses were made the 
most of; it was remarked that Mr. Folk had not 
yet convicted a very rich man. The Snyder case 
was coming up, and with it a chance to show that 

the power of money was not irresi*' 
Snyder, now a banker in Kansas City, did not 
deny or attempt to disprove th. charges of bri- 
bery ; he made his defense his claim to continuous 
residence in the State. Mr. Folk was not taken 
unawares; he proved the bribery and he proved 
the non-residence too, and the banker was sen- 
tenced to five years* imprisonment. 

One ot <md, that of Edmund 

Bench of the House combine, and he was con- 
(1 of bribery and perjury. But all interest 
red now in the trial of Edward Butler, the 
boat, who, tin people said, would not be iml 
who, indict.-d, they said, would MW 1" 
Now th- saying he would never be con- 


When Boss Tweed was tried in New York, his 

power was broken, his machine smashed, his money 

\ and tin- people were worked up to a fury 


against him. The most eminent members of the 
New York bar prosecuted him. The most emi- 
nent members of the St. Louis Bar were engaged 
to defend Butler. He was still the boss, he had 
millions of his own, and back of him were the re- 
sources, financial and political, of the leading men 
of St. Louis. That the people were against him 
appeared in only one sign, that of the special 
juries, carefully chosen to keep out men privately 
known to be implicated. These juries had in- 
variably convicted the boodlers. Butler asked to 
IM tried in some other town. Mr. Folk suggested 
Columbia, the university town of the State of 

Columbia was chosen, and Butler's sons went 
up there with their heelers to " fix the town." 
They spent money freely, and becniiM the loafers 
drank with them plentifully, the Butlerites thought 
they "had the town right." But they did not 
know Columbia; neither did Butler. When he 
stepped off the train, he asked genially what the 
business of the town was. 

" Education," was the answer. 

"Education!" he blurted. "That's a h 1 
of a business ! " And he conducted himself as if 
he did not understand what it meant. His friends 
having prepared the way for a " good fellow," 
Butler set about proving himself such, and his 


reception in th.- 'room* and streets was 10 flat- 
^ that it w& pr< M| I-',, Ik 

would never leave Coluinl MI uh\. liut Mr. Folk 
mid. iMood the people better. Stanch a* the lead- 
ing interests of St. Louis were again>t hi 
always held that hi- millim-hing juries imant that 
Client people of St. LouU were against boo- 
dlers and out in the State I till Mir 

this. Mo was right. There was no demonstra- 
tion for luiii. He was welcomed, Imt in decorous 
fashion; and all he saw by way of prejudice was 
look out of kind eyes that went with 
tin warm pressure of strange hands. When the 
was drawn, nan on it proved to be a 

Democrat, and three wen HM-IM|TS of the Demo- 
>unty Committi. If] I !k was urged 
these, i ', Colonel HutK-r 

was at the head of tlu-ii II 

th. :M. Hi misfit as well have objected to the 
jud^t-, .Inhn A. Hockaday, who also was a I)< 

Xo, sir," said M. Pofl ; " I am a Demo- 
uid I will try Hut NT l>efore a Democratic 
judge and a Democratic jn 

The trial was a scene to save out of nil tin- 

IMICSS before and aft. r it. Tin- littlr old 

courthouse headed one end of a short main street, 

the v the other: fanners' mule teams were 

hit died all along between. From far and near 


people came to see this trial, and, with the sig- 
nificance of it ill mind, men halted to n-ad OVCT 
the entrance to the court these words, chiseled 
long ago: "Oh, Justice, \\h,- M dri\m from other 
habitations, make this thy dwcllin^-pla You 

could >ee the appropriateness <>f that legend take 
hold of men, and in the spirit of it they passed 
into the dingy courtroom. There the rows of 
intent fi (1 to express that same sentiment. 

The jury looked, the judge personified it. He 
alone was cold, but he was attentive, deliherate, 
and reasonable; you were sure of his common 
sense; you understood his rulings; and of his up- 
rightness you were convinced by the way he seemed 
to lean, just a little, toward the prisoner. I don't 
believe they will find any errors, however trivial, 
on which to reverse John A. Hockaday.* 1 \ n 
the prosecutor was fair. It was not Edward Hut 
ler who was on trial, it was the State; and never 
before did Mr. Folk plead so earnestly for this 
conception of his work. Outside, in the churches, 
prayer-meetings were held. These were private 
and undemonstrative; the praying citi/ens did not 
tell even Mr. Folk that thcv PefC asking their 
God to give him strength. Indirectly it came to 
him, and, first fine sign as it was of approval from 
his client, the people, it moved him deeply. And 
*See Pott Script um, end of chapter. 

>ll \\ll.l I M SS OP ST. LOUIS 187 
, tie plain case plainly stated, he mm! 
final appeal to the j address wiu a tate- 

the impersonal signifleanc* 
dene- itc's need of patriotic * 

1110. ** Missouri, Missouri," he said softly, 
with fig ftincvr . " I am pUvi 

X for t mrv tin 

dentood. The judge was on! 

ii* out with them, 
when they came back th was, 


That wa* M What of St. Louis? 

ire ago, U'I.MI Hutlcr was young in 

UAS caught gambling, and with the 
rhargr JM -ruling against him > I > FOC to clial- 
lengc him. Mrt-tings U.T. h. !<l all \, r th. 
one in tin- 1 nge downtown to denounce 

th. | who, an offense always, had 

dared commit tin- fYlony of gambling. Now, 

\ ict. (1 anil ",-nt. 

what did Bt ] - do? The first 
comment I hranl in n we all got 

back that day was that " Hutl. r won wear 

the stripes.* 9 I h. -ml it time and again, ami 

it from banker and barber there to-day. 
Hutler' h. hived decent IN. Me staye<l in- 
doors for a few weeks till a committee of ritiMns 
from the best residence section called upon him 

to come forth and put through the House of 
Delegates a bill for the improvement of a shv. t 
in their neighborhood; and Butler had this done! 

One of thr lir>t greetings to Mr. Folk \\as a 
warning from a high source that now at length 
he had gone far enough, and on the heels of this 
came an order from tin Police Department that 
i HIT all communications from him to tin- 
police should be made in writing. This meant 
slow arrests; it meant that the fight was to go 
on. Well, Mr. Folk had meant to go on, any- 

" Officer," he said to the man who brought the 
message, " go back to the man who sent you, and 
say to him that I understand him, and that here- 
after all my communications with his department 
will be in the form of indictments." 

That department retreated in haste, explaining 
and apologizing, and offering all possible facili- 
ties. Mr. Folk went on with his business. He 
put on trial Henry Nicolaus, the brewer, accused 
of bribery. Mr. Nicolaus pleaded that he did 
not know what was to be the use of a note for 
$140,000 which he had endorsed. And on this 
the judge took the case away from the jury and 
directed a verdict of not guilty. It was the first 
case Mr. Folk had lost. He won the next eight, 
all boodle legislators, making his record fourteen 


M> om-. Hut tin- Su|>rcroe Court, ( 

! iminalft, and 

won th.-ir first fight thm.* The Mcysen- 
burg cue was lent back for retrial. 

I lk ha* work ahead of him for the two 

years remaining '-mi, ami he in the man 

it all through. Hut where if it all to 

There are more men to I)- nany 

I much more cornjp- 

>cloed. Hut the people 

know enough. What arc they going to do 

y have had one opportunity already to 
I \ bar ( I'.M)^), just h< for.- th- Hutl.T Yer- 
l.ut nftrr tli- trial was begun, th.-re was an 
on. Some of the offices to be lill<l tni^ht 
have to do with hoodlin Mr. Folk and 

boodl tin natural ivsiir, hut th- politicians 

!-! it. N.-ith. r party ^ Folk. 

Hi 'Mi parties took counsel of Hutl< r in making up 
tlu-ir tirkrt.s, and tlu-y satisfied him. Tin- Dimo- 
Crab* did not im-ntion I-'olk\ namr in the plat- 
form, and they nominated Butler's son for the 
seat in Congress from which he had repeatedly 
been ousted for fraud at the polls. 

a Why? " I asked a DIM who said 

he control!, d all hut four districts in his organiza- 

See Pott Script**, end of chu; 


" Because I needed those Butler districts," lie 

answi nil. 

44 But isn't there enough anti-boodling scnti- 
nuMit in this town to offset those districts?" 

M I don't think so." 

IVrhaps he was right. And yet those juries 
and those prayers must mean something. 

.Mr. Folk says, " Ninct y-nine per cent, of tin- 
people an- honest; only one per cent, is dishorn-l. 
But the one per cent, is perniciously active." In 
other words, the people are sound, hnt without 
leaders. Another official, of irreproachahlc char- 
acter himself, said that the trouble was there was 
44 no one fit to throw the first stone." 

However, this may be, here are the facts: 

In the midst of all these sensations, and this 
obvious, obstinate political rottenness, the inno- 
cent citizens, who must be at least a decide 
minority, did not register last fall. Butler, tin- 
papers said, had great furniture vans going about 
with men who were said to be repeaters, and yet 
the registration was the lowest in many years. 
When the Butlerized tickets were announced, there 
was no audible protest. It was the time for an 
independent movement. A third ticket might not 
have won, but it would have shown the politicians 
(whether they counted them in or out) how many 
honest votes there wen- in the city, and what they 

- 1 1 AMELES8NE8S OF ST. LOUIS 1 1 1 

would have to reckon with in the force of public 
Nothing of the sort wa* done. St. 
Louis, r v, and dcpoilcd v was busy nith 


A i coming M>on. In April 

for tin la tor*, and 

! MM ml. IN I. .is I most 

of the corrupt inn, you would think bomllin^ uould 
Min-ly be an iu- then. I doubt it. When I waa 
in .I.muar\ ( 1'JO:; ). the politician* v 

iiin^j to kiip it nut, and tin tr in-. .schfliH* wa 

. k- f . i to say, each 
group of leaders would MUMM half 

uho wrrr to br put .- >, ni.'ikn 

st at nil. Ami to a\oid suspicion, thcsenom- 
<ms were to be except innalljr, yes, " remark- 
ably good." 

That is the old Duller non-partisan or bi-par- 
tisan system. It . manatcs now frnn the rich 
nun back of the rin^, but it means t ring 

is intact, alert, and hopeful. They arc " play- 
Th- convicts sitting in the munici- 
pal asseniblv, the convicts appealing to the h 
courts, the rich nun abroad, the bankers down 
town all are waiting for something. What are 

Ani tinj for? 

Charles Kratz, the ex-pre*i the Con 

See I'ott Script mm, end of cfai 

us Tin: si i AMI: OF Tin: CITIES 

1 and go-between of the Council combine, the 
fugitive from justice, who, by his flight, blocks 
the way to the exposure and conviction of tin- 
rich and influential men who are holding Un- 
people of Missouri in cluck and keeping boodling 
from going before the people as a political issue, 
this criminal exile, thus backed, was asked this 
question in Mexico, and here is the answer lu- 
re turned: 

" I am waiting for Joe Folk's term to expire. 
Then I am going home to run for Governor of 
Missouri and vindication." 

Post Scriptum, December, 1904. The tickets 
were not " remarkably good." " Boodle " was not 
in the platform, nor " reform." The bi-partisan 
boodlers, with reformers and " respectable " busi- 
ness men for backers, faced it out, and Boss Butler 
reorganized the new House of Delegates with his 
man for Speaker and the superintendent of his 
garbage plant (in the interest of which he offered 
the bribes for which he was convicted) for chair- 
man of the Sanitary Committee. 

And the Supreme Court of Missouri reversed 
his case and all the other boodle cases one by one, 
then by wholesale. The whole machinery of 
justice broke down under the strain of boodle 

Meanwhile, however, Mr. Folk uncovered cor- 
in the State and, announcing him* 

' .overnor, ha* appealed from the 

i tlu IYo|ilr, from the City of !* 1 

to tin > Mivouri. 


(May. 1903) 

MlNNKAI'OUS Was nil lAamplr i,f polio- rornip 

Louis of finai i 

Inir^ in an example of both polio- and fina 

iption. 'I'll, tun of M.I each 

ilicial who has exposed them. 1'ittslmrg has 
had no such man and no exposure. The city ha* 
been described physically as ** Hell with t! 
off'*; politically it is hell with tin- lit! on. 
I i not going t(> lift the lid. The exposition 
of what the people know and stand is the purpose 
of these articles, not the exposure of corruption, 
mid the exposure of I'ittslmrg is not necessary. 
Tin-re are earnest men in the town who decla 
must blow up of itself soon. I douht that ; l>nt 
even if it does burst, the people of Pittsburg will 
learn little more than they know now. It is not 
ignorant-.- that keeps An ens sub- 

m it indifference. The Pittsburgers 
know, and a strong minority of them care; tln-y 
have risen against their it, only 

to look about and find another ring around them. 
Angry and a>hamed, Pittshurg is a type of the 
that has tried to be free and fai 


A sturdy city it is, too, the second in lYnn-\l 
\ania. Two rivers flow past it to make a third, 
the Ohio, in front, and all around and beneath it 
an- natural gas and coal which feed a thousand 
furnaces that smoke all day and flame all ni^ht 
to make Pittsburg the Birmingham of America. 
Rich in natural retOUrce| it is richest in the qual- 
ity of its population. Six days and six nights 
these people labor, molding iron and forging 
steel, and they are not tin-d: on the seventh day 
they rest, because that is the Sabbath. They are 
Scotch Presbyterians and Protestant Irish. This 
stock had an actual majority not many years ago, 
and now, though the population has grown to 
354,000 in Pittsburg proper (counting Allegheny 
across the river, 130,000, and other communities, 
politically separate, but essentially integral parts 
of the proposed Greater Pittsburg, the total is 
750,000), the Scotch and Scotch-Irish still pre- 
dominate, and their clean, strong faces charac- 
terize the crowds in the streets. Canny, busy, and 
brave, they built up their city almost in secret, 
making millions and hardly mentioning it. Not 
till outsiders came in to buy some of them out 
did the world (and Pittsburg and some of the 
millionaires in it) discover that the Iron City had 
been making not only steel and glass, but multi- 
millionaires. A banker told a business man as a 

, i ii in \HI \\ii 

t one day about three yearn ago that within 
si\ month* n ** I f about a hundred new 

million. iin* would be born in PJ^I.ur-," an d the 
hirth* happened on time. And more betide. Hut 

Mi.- bloom of millions did not hurt 
Pitulmrg is an unpn -trillion*, pro*perou city of 
tremendouM industry and healthy, teady men. 

or a* it i* in <>: r retpecti, how- 

Scotch Irish Pittshnrtf, politically, U no bet- 
.;ui Iris! \ or Scandinavian Minne- 

apolis, and littlr brttrr than (iirnmn St. Louis. 
These people, like any other strain of the free 
i, have despoil<l th- ^o\.nnnent de- 
*, 1. t it be despoiled, and bowed to the 
despoiling boss. There i* nothing ; M the un- 

i excuse that this or reign na' 

ality has prostitute d u our great and glorious in- 
stitutions." We all do it, all breeds alike. And 
is nothing in the complaint that the lower 
of our city populations are the sourer 
of our disgrace. In St. Louis corruption came 
from tin- top, in Minneapolis from the bottom. 
I Pittshuro; it comes from both ext: , but 

it began ah< 

The railroads began the corruption of this 
There " always was some dishonesty , w as the old- 
est pulJif UK -n I talked with said, but it was occa- 
! and i riinin il till the first great corporation 


made it business like and r -pert aide. The mu- 
nicipality issued bond > to help tin- infant railroads 
to develop tin- city, and, as in so many American 
cities, the roads repudiated the debt and intend, 
and went into politics. The Pennsylvania Hail- 
road was in the system from the start, and, M 
the other roads came in and found the city gov- 
ernment bought up by those before them, they 
purchased their rights of way by outbribing the 
older roads, then joined the ring to acquire more 
rights for themselves and to keep belated rivals 
out. As corporations multiplied and capital 
branched out corruption increased naturally, but 
the notable characteristic of the " Pittsburg plan " 
of misgovernment was that it was not a hapha/ard 
growth, but a deliberate, intelligent organization. 
It was conceived in one mind, built up by one 
will, and this master spirit ruled, not like Croker 
in New York, a solid majority; nor like Butler 
in St. Louis, a bi-partisan minority ; but the whole 
town financial, commercial, and political. Tin- 
boss of Pittsburg was Christopher L. Magee, a 
great man, and when he died he was regarded by 
many of the strongest men in Pittsburg as their 
leading citizen. 

" Chris," as he was called, was a charming char 
acter. I have seen Pittsburgers grow black in 
the face denouncing his ring, but when I asked, 

PUT- ( rn \HI \MI i> 

\\ * man was Magee?" thej would 

cool and sa\ . <> was one of the best 

III. II (in<l e\tr limile." If 1 Mllll-d, 11,, \ u.iril.l 

ay, " That in all ri^ht. You smile, and you can 
go ahead and show up the rin^ N ; may de- 
this town as the worst in the count 

.; t Magee wrong ami \.-Yil | mV i- all I 
Imrtf u|> in /inns." r they would tell me that 

' M i .... 'MKd the town," OT| pokftpt, 
would speak of tin- fuml raising to met a monu- 
ment t<> th. dead boat. 

So I must be cartful. An. I, to begin with, 

M <li<l not, t. clmirullv >}> rol> tin- town. 

That was not his way, and it would be a carelessly 
ininrcessary way in IVnnsylvania. But surely 
he does not deserve a inomum nt . 

Magee was an Am. rii.m. His paternal great- 

Jf'.ith.r s,r\,<l in tl ii Jinn, and settlrd 

I' !| urg at the close of the war. Christopher 
was born on Good Friday, April II, 1848. II 
was sent to school till he was fifteen years old. 
Then his father <ii< <!, and " Squire " o my " 

Steele, In- uncle, a boss of that day, gave him 
his start in life with a place in tl Treasury. 

When just twenty-one, he made him cashier, and 
two years later Chris had himself clc< 
Treasurer by a majority of 1100 on a tirket tin- 
head of which was beaten by 1500 votes. 


Such was his popularity; and, though he sys- 
tematized and r;i}it ali/id it, it lasted to tin- < ml, 
for tlu- foundation thereof was goodn<->s of heart 
and personal charm. Ma^ce was tall, strong, and 
gracefully built. His hair \\a> dark till it turned 
gray, thru his short mustache and his eyebrows 
held black, and his face expressed easily sure p<>\\ i- 
and genial, hearty kindness. But he was ambitious 
for power, and all his goodness of heart was di 
nctrd by a shrewd mind. 

When Chris saw the natural following gather- 
ing about him he realized, young as he was, tin- 
use of it, and he retired from office (holding only 
a fire commissionership) with the avowed pur- 
pose of becoming a boss. Determined to make 
his ring perfect, he went to Philadelphia to study 
the plan in operation there. Later, when t la- 
Tweed ring was broken, he spent months in New 
York looking into Tammany's machine methods 
and the mistakes which had led to its exposure 
and disruption. With that cheerful candor which 
softens indignation he told a fellow-townsman 
(who told me) what he was doing in New York; 
and when Magee returned he reported that a rin# 
could be made as safe as a bank. He had, to 
start with, a growing town too busy for self- 
government ; two not very unequal parties, neither 
of them well organized; a clear field in his own, 

iTlTSBUId. k CIT! ASH \Ml .1) 
th- majorit\ p.irt\ in tin < t v, county, and 

.- wan boodle, Init it wn loosely shared by 

too many persons. The governing instrument 

was tlu- old > h lodged all 

tin- power* legislative, udmirn-t r,iti\. , and < xecu- 

in tli rouneiU, common and select. The 

mayor was a peace offlcvr, with no responsible 

power. I IK I. ..I. th. re was no respon tny- 

Tin n ur. ti<> <i< |> irtments. Coinin 

Is tin! tin- wnrk tIMI.lllv llnne Bj A % | 

innits, and tin- rnuiiriliiicn, unsaluri(l and iin 
. rahl indixidtiallv. were or^ r itn what 

nii^i irome a combine had not Magee set 

about establishing t! ;in powor tli 

To control counriU M ,i^.< the 

wards, and he was managing this successfully at 

tries, when a new important fi 

I on the scene William Flinn. Flinn 

was Irish, a Protestant of Catholic stock, a boss 

contractor, and a natural politician. II. beat 

Magee's brothers in his ward. Magee 

laughed, inquired, and, finding him a man of 

opp<> ompleilK -position and ta! 

took him into a partnership. A happy, profitable 

. it lasted for life. Magee wanted 

power, Minn wraith. Kach got both these 

things; hut Magee spent his wealth for more 

powi 'inn spent his power for more wealth. 

Ma^ec was tin- sower, Flinn the reaper. In deal- 
ing with mm they came to be necessary to each 
other, these two. Magee attracted followers, 
Flinn employed them. Tin- men Magee won 
Flinn compelled to obey, and those he lost Magee 
won back. When the councils WtK fir^t under his 
control Magee stood in the lobby to direct them, 
always by suggestions and requests, which some- 
tinies a mean and ungrateful fellow would say ho 
could not heed. Magee told him it was all right, 
which saved the man, but lost the vote. So Flinn 
took the lobby post, and he said : " Here, you go 
and vote aye." If they disobeyed the plain order 
Flinn punished them, and so harshly that tlmy 
would run to Magee to complain. He comforted 
till-in. "Never mind Flinn," he would say sym- 
pathetically ; " he gives me no end of trouble, too. 
But I'd like to have you do what he asked. Go 
and do it for me, and let me attend to Flinn. I'll 
fix him." 

Magee could command, too, and fight and 
punish. If he had been alone he probably 
would have hardened with years. And so Flinn, 
after Magee died, softened with time, but too 
late. He was useful to Magee, Magee was in- 
dispensable to him. Molasses and vinegar, diplo- 
macy and force, mind and will, they were well 
mated. But Magee was the genius. It was 


Magce tlmt laid th* plan* they worked out 

BOM Magcc's idea was not to corrupt the 

government, hut to be it; not to hire vote* in 
count iN, hut to own councilmen; and so, ha 
seized control of hi* organization, he nominated 

P or dependent men for the select and 
nioii councils. Relatives and fri. rids wen- 
first recourse, th. n came bartenders, saloon- 
keepers, liquor dealers, and others allied to the 
vices, who were subject to police regulation and 
depend- nt in a business way upon the maladmin- 
istration of law. For the rest he j> i men 
who had no visible means of support, and to main- 
i In- u-,,1 tin- usual means patronage. 
And to make his dependents secure he took over 
the county jjnvrrnmrnl. PitKlmrg is in All.- 
gheny County, which has always been more 

Il< publican than the city. No m 
what happened in ti . the county pay-roll 

was always Magec's, and he made the county part 
of tho city govcrnnn 

\N th all this city and county patronage at his 
Miigec went deliberately about under- 
mining tin- DfiiKii-r.itic party. Thr minority 
organization is useful to a majority leader; it 
saves him trouble and worry in ordinary times; 
in party crises he can use it to whip lus own fol- 

lowers into line; and when the people of a city 
in revolt it is essential for absolute rule that 
you have the power not only to prevent the 
minority lenders from combining with the good 
citi/ens, but to unite the two organizations to 
whip the community into sh.-ipr. M<>no\tr, the 
ex is tenet- of a supposed opposition party splits 
the independent vote and helps to keep ulive that 
sentiment, " loyalty to party," which is one of 
the best holds the boss has on his unruly sub- 
jects. All bosses, as we have seen in Minneapolis 
and St. Louis, rise above partisan bias. Magee, 
the wisest of them, was also the most generous, 
and he liked to win over opponents who were use- 
ful to him. * Whenever he heard of an able Demo- 
cratic worker in a ward, he sent for his own Re- 
publican leader. " So-and-so is a good man, 
isn't he?" he would ask. "Going to give you 
a run, isn't he? Find out what he wants, and 
we'll see what we can do. We must have him."' 
Thus the able Democrat achieved office for him- 
self or his friend, and the city or the county paid. 
At one time, I was told, nearly one-quarter of 
the places on the pay-roll were held by Democrats, 
who were, of course, grateful to Chris M.I 
and enabled him in emergencies to wield their in- 
fluence against revolting Republicans. Many a 
time a subservient Democrat got Republican votes 

ITITSBUK<. \ ( in A-ll \\IKI) 157 
to beat a '* dangerous " Republican, and when 
Magec, toward tin- mil of his career, wish 
go to tl ,,.tli parties united in his 

n and elected him uimnimouidy. 
1 isincss men came almost a* cheap as poli- 
MS and ' ue also at the city's expense. 

Magee had control of public funds awl tin- < 

po.sitories. That is enough for tin- average 
banker not only for him that is chosen, but for 
him also that may some day hope to be chosen 
am! M H.'th the best of those in Pitts 

burg. This s-r\io-, moreover, not only kept 
tin-in <!m-ilr, but gave him I lit at 

tlu-ir banks. Tlun, too, Flinn an<l Mi ... ' 
operations soon developed on a scale which made husiw-ss a' to tin- largest financial 

institutions for the profits on their loans, and 
thus enabled thrin to di.strilnitr awl shun- in the 
golden opportunities of big deals. There are ring 
I in I'itUburg, ring tru>t companies, and ring 
brokers. Thr manufacturers ami tin- imrchants 
were kept well in hand by many little muni 

ta and ; ^, Mich as switches, wharf 

rights, awl st: '>ns. These street 

- are a tremendous power in most cities. 

i miry <> . spreads to the next 

block, and wants tin- twren. In St. Louis 

ess man boodled for his street. In Pitts- 

burg he went to Magec, and I have heard such 
a man praise Chris, "because when I called on 
him his outer office was filled with waiting poli- 
ticians, but he knew I was a business man* and in 
a hurry; he called me in first, and he gave me the 
street without any fuss. I tell you it was a sad 
day for Pittsburg when Chris Magec <li< !." This 
business man, the typical American merchant 
everywhere, cares no more for his city's int 
than the politician docs, and there is more light 
on American political corruption in such a speech 
than in the most sensational exposure of details. 
The business men of Pittsburg paid for their little 
favors in "contributions to the campaign fund/' 
plus the loss of their self-respect, the liberty of 
the citizens generally, and (this may appeal to 
their mean souls) in higher taxes. 

As for the railroads, they did not have to be 
bought or driven in ; they came, and promptly, 
too. The Pennsylvania appeared early, just be- 
hind Magee, who handled their passes and looked 
out for their interest in councils and afterwards 
at the State Legislature. The Pennsylvania 
passes, especially those to Atlantic City and Har- 
risburg, have always been a " great graft " in 
Pittsburg. For the sort of men Magee had to 
control a pass had a value above the price of a 
ticket ; to " flash " one is to show a badge of power 


and relationship to the ring. The big ringsters, 

>une, gut (rum the railroad* fi help 

when oornemi in hutincit deaU clock tips, shares 
in })* t other financial turns, and politi- 

cal support. The Pennsylvania Railroad is a 
power in P. nn-\ Uaniu politic-*, it i part of the 
itf, a in I part also of the PitKlmrg ring. 
The city paid in nil sorts of right* and pri\ ilegea, 
fs, hridgc*, tc., and in certain periods the 
OH interests of the city were sacrificed to 
leave tin 1 Ynnsylvania Road in exclusive control 
of a fn-i^lit trailic it could not handle alone. 

\\ ith tlu- cit \ , tin- county, the Republican and 
Democratic organizations, the railroads and other 
<>MN, tin- tin.-incitTs and the business men, 
all urll undrr control, Magee needed only the 
State to make liix rule absolute. And he was 
n.titlrd t,. ,t In a State like New York, where 
..ntn>ls tin Legislature and another 
the people in tl may expect some 

m from party opposition. In Pennsyl- 
vania, where the Republicans have an overwhelm- 
ing majority, the Legislature at Hamburg is 
>ential part of the government of Pennsyl- 
vania cities, and that is ruled by a State ring. 
Magee's ring was a link in the State ring, 
and it was no more than right that the State 
should become a link in his ring. The ar- 

rangenient was easily made. One man, Matthew 
S. Quay, had rcci\l from tlu- people all the 
poucr in the State, and M iu (^uay. They 

came to an uiuK rstanding without the least 
trouble. Flinn was to be in the Senate, Magee 
in tin- lobby, and they were to give unto Quay 
political support for his business in the State in 
ivhmi for his surrender to them of the Stat.\ 
functions of legislation for the city of I'itt.shurg. 
Now such understandings are common in our 
politics, but they arc vcrlial iiMiallv and pretty 
well kept, and this of Magee and Quay was also 
founded in secret good faith. But Quay, in 
crimes, has a way of straining points to win, and 
there were no limits to Magee's ambition for 
power. Quay and Magee quarreled constantly 
over the division of powers and spoils, so after 
a few years of squabbling they reduced their 
agreement to writing. This precious instrument 
has never been published. But the agreement 
was broken in a great row once, and when William 
Flinn and J. O. Brown undertook to settle t In- 
differences and renew the bond, Flinn wrote out in 
pencil in his own hand an amended duplicate 
which he submitted to Quay, whose son subse- 
quently gave it out for publication. A facsimile: 
of one page is reproduced in this article. Here 
is the whole contract, with all the unconscious 



luiiuor of tin- " part v of tlu- fir-t part " and '' said 
partv of the second part," a political Ir^al con: 
innvial in.Milt to a people boastful of M!| 

government : 

Memorandum and agreement between M. S. Quay of the 
first part and J. O. Brown and William 1 linn of the 
second part, the consideration of this agreement being the 
mutual political and business advantage which may result 
there f n>i. i. 

" I irst The said M. S. Quay is to have the benefit of the 
influence in all matters in state and national politics of the 
said parties of the second part, the said parties agreeing 
that they will secure the election of delegates to the state 
and national convention, who will be guided in all matters 
by the wishes of the said party of the first part, and who 
will also secure the election of members of the state senate 
from the Forty-third, Forty-fourth, and Forty-fifth MBft- 
torial districts, and also secure the election of members of 
the house of representatives south of the Monongahela and 
Ohio rivers in the county of Allegheny, who will be guided 
by the wishes and request of the said party of the first part 
during the continuance of this agreement upon nil political 
matters. The different candidates for the various positions 
mentioned shall be selected ly the parties of the second 
part, and all the positions of state and national appoint- 
ments made in this territory mentioned shall be sat 
tory to and secure the indorsement of the party of the 
second part, when the appointment is made either by or 
through the party of the first part, or his friends or political 
associates. All legislation affecting the parties of the second 
part; affecting cities of the second class, shall receive the 
hearty co-operation and assistance of the party of the first 
part, and legislation which may affect their business shall 
likewise receive the hearty co-operation and help of the 

I I TTSBURG: A ( in \HIAMED 165 

party of the first part. It Mn* dUtinctly understood that 
Broaching national convention, to be bdd at 8t 
,-t from the Twenty second rongieasiniail 
district khall neither by voice nor vote do other than what 
U satisfactory t. tl>e party of the first part The party of 
rit part agree* to u*e hU Influence and secure the sup- 
Is friends and political associates to Mipport the 
Republican county and < when nominated, both in 

i.urjc and Allegheny, and the county of Alle- 
gheny, and that I,,- will <llscounteoan. r 0* factional fighting 
by his friends and associates for county otters during the 
fflnHnnfttV*^ of this agreement This agreement Is not to be 
binding upon the parties of the second part when a candl- 
dstr r ,,0re who [tic] shall reside In Allegheny 

county, and shall only be binding If the party of the first 
part U a candidate for United States senator to succeed 
himself so far as this oftce Is concerned. In the Forty- 
third senatorial district a new senator shall be efet 
succeed Senator Upperman. In the Forty-fifth senatorial 
district the party of the first part shall secure the with- 
drawal of Dr. A. J. Hnrrhfrld. and the parties of the second 
part shall withdraw as a candidate Senator Steel, and the 
parties of the second part shall secure the election of some 
party satisfactory to themselves. In the Twenty-second 
congressional district the candidates for congress shall be 
elected by the party of the second part The term 
agreement to I* years from the signing thereof, 

and shall be binding upon all parties when signed by C. L. 

Tims was the city of PitKbur^ turned over by 

to .-in individual to do with as he pleased. 

Magee's ring was compl* t. He was tl>. 

niiui \v:i- iiiciU, tin- county was theirs, ami 

now they hail tlu State Legislature so far as 


Pittsburg was concerned. Magee and Minn \\ere 
thr government and the law. How could they 
commit a crime? If they u anted something frou, 
tin- city they pa.s.sed an ordinance granting it, and 
if some other ordinance was in conflict it w.i 
pealed or aim -nded. If the laws in the State stood 
in the way, so much the worse for the laws of 
the State; they were amended. If the constitu- 
tion of the State proved a barrier, u it did to 
all special legislation, the Legislature enacted a 
law for cities of the second class ( which was 
Pittsburg alone) and the courts upheld the Legis- 
lature. If there were opposition on the side of 
public opinion, there was a use for that also. 

The new charter which David D. Bruce fought 
through councils in 1886-87 was an example of 
the way Magee and, after him, Quay and other 
Pennsylvania bosses employed popular movements. 
As his machine grew Magee found council com- 
mittees unwieldy in some respects, and he wanted 
a change. He took up Brucc's charter, which 
centered all executive and administrative power 
and responsibility in the mayor and heads of de- 
partments, passed it through the Legislature, 
but so amended that the heads of departments 
were not to be appointed by the mayor, but 
elected by councils. These elections were by ex- 
piring councils, so that the department chiefs 


, and with tl Mired the re- 

election of the count -ilium w ho elected them. The 
Magee-Flinn machine, pcrft- n made 

|K.TpctuatiiiK 1 know . it iq 

HH\ <>tl Tttiiiiiiany in comparison i a 

plaything, and in the management of a 
Crokcr wan a child > >ris Magee. 

The graft of 1'itKhurg fall* conveniently into 
four classes: franchises, public contracts, vice, 
and public funds. There was, betides these, a lot 
of miscellaneous loot public supplies, public 
li^htin^, and the water supply. V)ii hear of 
second-class fire-en pi n at first-class prices, 

water rent* from the public works kept up because 
a private concern that supplied the South Side 
could charge no more than the city, a gas con- 
tract to supply thr city lightly availed of. Hut 

nnot go into these. Neither can I stop for 
U of the system by which public funds 
were left at no interest with favored deposit 

which tin city borrowed at a high rate, or 
tin- removal of funds to a bank in which the ring- 
stert were shareholders. All these things were 
managed well within the law, and that was the 
great principle underlying the PitNhurg plan. 

The \i(. M : example, was not blackmail 

as it is in New York and most other cities. It is 
a legitimate business, conducted, not by the police, 


but in an orderly fashion by syndicates, and the 
chairman of one of the parties at the last elec- 
tion said it was worth $250,000 a year. I saw 
a man who was laughed at for offering $17,500 
for the slot-machine concession ; he was told that 
it was let for much more. " Speak-easies " (un- 
licensed drinking places) pay so well that when 
they earn $500 or more in twenty-four hours their 
proprietors often make a bare living. Disorderly 
houses are managed by ward syndicates. Per- 
mi>Mon is had from the syndicate real estate 
agent, who alone can rent them. The syndicate 
hires a house from the owners at, say, $35 a 
month, and he lets it to a woman at from $35 to 
$50 a week. For furniture the tenant must go 
to the " official furniture man," who delivers $1000 
worth of "fixings" for a note for $3000, on 
which high interest must be paid. For beer the 
tenant must go to the " official bottler," and pay 
$2 for a one-dollar case of beer; for wines and 
liquors to the " official liquor commissioner," who 
charges $10 for five dollars' worth ; for clothes to 
the " official wrapper maker." These women may 
not buy shoes, hats, jewelry, or any other luxury 
or necessity except from the official concessionaries, 
and then only at the official, monopoly prices. If 
the victims have anything left, a police or some 
other city official is said to call and get it (there 

rni- \ cm \HI \MI:D 

x- police officials in Pitt-bur;.- i 
is blackmail and outside the system, which U well 
understood in tin- o> nun, in va- 

rioiiH walks of lift-, told me separut, 1\ tin- name* 
of the official b< NTH, and furnihcr; 

in- notorious hut they are safe. They do 
nothing Oppressive, wn-trh. d. what you 

! '.ttshurtf system 10 AJ 

That was the keynote of tin- I'liim Magec |> 
hut this rioc ffraft was not thiir husiness. They 
are rndit<d with th. -uppression of disorder and 
decent iu .^ulations of vie.-, uhic-h is a 

I'ittshur^. I know it is said 
r tin- Philadelphia and Pitt-hur^ plans, which 
, " all ^rat't and all patronage go 
across one tahle," but if any '* dirty money " 
! Pittshur^ bosses it was, so far as I 
. in tin- form of contributions to the 
party fund, and rainr from thr vice dealers only as 
it did from otln-r business men. 

Magec and Flinn, owners of Pittsburg, made 
-hur^ tlu-ir business, and, monoix>lists in the 

economic sense of the word, t! 
pared to exploit it as if it wen- their }>; 
property. For convenience they divided it be- 
tween them. Magee took the financial and 
porate branch, turning the streets to his QMS, 
delivering to himself franchises, and building and 


running railways. Flinn wmt in for public con- 
tracts for his firm, Booth & Flinn, Limited, and 
his branch boomed. Old streets wnv ivpa\(<l, 
new ones laid out; whole districts wnv improved, 
parks made, and buildings m-ct.-d. Tin- im 
provement of tluir city went on at a great rate 
for years, with only one period of cessation, and 
the period of economy was when Magee was 
building so many traction lines that Booth & 
Flinn, Ltd., had all they could do with this work. 
It was said that no other contractors had an ade- 
quate " plant " to supplement properly the work 
of Booth & Flinn, Ltd. Perhaps that was why 
this firm had to do such a large proportion of 
the public work always. Flinn's Director of 
Public Works was E. M. Bigelow, a cousin of 
Chris Magee and another nephew of old Squire 
Steele. Bigelow, called the Extravagant, drew 
the specifications; he made the awards to the 
lowest responsible bidders, and he inspected and 
approved the work while in progress and when 

Flinn had a quarry, the stone of which was 
specified for public buildings; he obtained the 
monopoly of a certain kind of asphalt, and that 
kind was specified. Nor was this all. If the 
official contractor had done his work well and at 
reasonable prices the city would not have suffered 

nil - \ cm vsn \MI i) i. > 

I >t it hi-, method* were o oppressive upon 

holder* that they cau*ed a scandal. No 

ii WAS taken, however, till Ol 

took, a merchant, u. wrath, contested 

the contracts and fought them through the 

I - single citizen** lon^, |M.I\* light in 

>f the finest iminici- 

pnl government. Tin frowns and warnings of 

coward 1\ f ll"u nti/niH did not movi- him, nor 

!.vcntt <f othrr hijsiiuss nnii, tin- threat* 

the riiitf, and tin- ridirulr of rin^ organ*. 

George \\ . (Jutlii . and though 

i^ht on iindaiiiitfd. th.-v were tx 
again and n^a in. Tin D I Work* 

controlled tin- initiatix.- in . M--i-din^ 

chose the judge who appoint r>, uith 

thr rexul'. Iff. Md ''<!. that the l)e 

report*. Know- 
ing no M lid ntork photographed 

KlinnV paveini-nts at places wh-re they were torn 
up to *how that '* large stone*, a* they were ex- 
cavated from sewer trenches, briil bat*, and the 
debris of <>ld coal-tar sidewalk* were promiscu- 
ously dumped in to make foundations, with the 
result of an uneven settling of the foundation, 
and the sunken and worn place* *o conspicuous 
M the pavements of the East End." 
asphalt (MM j>m to break the 


monopoly, but was easily beaten in 18H<), with- 
drew, and after that one of its officers said, " We 
all ^r.-m Pittsburg a wide berth, recognizing the 
uselessncss of offering competition so long as the 
door of the Department of Public Works is 
locked against us, and Booth & Fiinn arc per- 
mitted to carry the key." Tin monopoly caused 
not only high prices on short guarantee, but car- 
nVd with it all the contingent work. Curbing 
and grading might ha\< I<-M let separately, 
but they were not. In one contract Mr. .M<( lin 
tock cites, Booth & Flinn bid 50 cents for 41.000 
yards of grading. E. H. Bochman offered a 
bid of 15 cents for the grading as a separate 
contract, and his bid was rejected. A property- 
owner on Shady Lane, who was assessed for 
curbing at 80 cents a foot, contracted privately 
at the same time for 800 feet of the same stand- 
ard curbing, from the same quarry, and set in 
place in the same manner, at 40 cents a foot! 

" During the nine years MH< coding the adop- 
tion of the charter of 1887," says Mr. Oliver 
McClintock in a report to the National Municipal 
League, "one firm [Flinn's] received practically 
all the asphalt-paving contracts at prices rang- 
ing from $1 to $1.80 per square yard higher 
than the average price paid in neighboring citi -. 
Out of the entire amount of asphalt pavements 

IM'i in \-l! \\!1 I) 


contracts, and routing $8,551,181, only nin- 
bU-ks |, I-. VJ6, and costing $88,400, 

I iv this linn." 

Tli. building "f bridgri in this ritv of bridge*, 
-pairing of pa\t mrnU, park-making, and real 
estate deal* in anticipation . Mproxn 

all causes of scandal to some citizens, source* 
of profit to others who w -n tlw ^r 

floor IB no apace for thoe here. 

exposure came in 1897 o\r tli rnntrurts for a 
new Puhlir Safety liuiMing. .1. ( > Hrown WAS 
Piihlir . tin- 

Leadfr, oilKxl ut tuition to a deal for thin work, 
and George \V. (lutln-i. ami \Villiam R. Rogers, 
members of tin- Pittsl>urg bar, who fol- 

a set of 

thr building itself as any 

has on n < : i favored contractors were named or 
tli.-ir wares described all througb, and a ! tt. 
tbe ari li .1. (). Brown contained spec-i: 

tions for such favoritism, as, for cxan ^j>ec- 

ingboiiM and en- 

t." a Describe tin- \ \\\ Horn Iron 
'11s AS close AS posMbl< ." The stone clause 
WAS Flinn's, and that is tin- onr that raised tlu- 
riunpu<. Flinn's quarry product -d Ligonirr I 

block was specified. There WAS a let- 


tat from Booth \- Minn, Ltd., trllin^ the architect 
that the price was to be specified at $31,500. A 
local contractor offered to provide Tennessee gran- 
ite set up, a more expensive material, on which the 
freight is higher, at $19,880; but that did not 
matter. When another local contracting firm, 
however, offered to furnish Ligonier block set up 
at $18,000, a change was necessary, and J. O. 
Brown directed the architect to "specify that the 
Ligonier block shall be of a bluish tint rather than 
a gray variety." Flinn's quarry had the bluish 
tint, the other people's " the .gray variety." It 
was shown* also that Flinn wrote to the architect on 
June 24y 1895, saying: "I have seen Director 
Brown and Comptroller Gourley to-day, and they 
have agreed to let us start on the working plans 
and get some stone out for the new building. 
Please arrange that we may get the tracings by 
Wednesday. . . ." The tracings were fur- 
nished him, and thus before the advertisements for 
bids were out he began preparing the bluish tint 
stone. The charges were heard by a packed com- 
mittee of councils, and nothing came of them ; and, 
besides, they were directed against the Director of 
Public Works, not William Flinn. 

The boss was not an official, and not responsible. 
The only time Flinn was in danger was on a suit 
that grew out of the conviction of the City Attor- 


III. Hoim-, his as- 

th- embankment of public funds. 

These officials were found to be short about $300,- 

000. One of them pleaded guilty, and both went 

Iling where the money * 

: not develop till Iv .1 
B. Connelly, of the Leader, discovered in tl.. 

's office stubs of checks indicating that 
some $11 8,000 of it had gone to Flinn or to Booth 
MM, Ltd. When Flinn was first asked about 
a reporter he said that the items were correct, 
hr pit tin-in, lint that he ha- ned it all 

t.> th.- < nmptrollrr and had satisfied "him. This 
answer i: .1 h< li f that the money belonged 

tn th. ( -it \ When he was sued by the city he said 
<lid not know it was < v. II> 

thought it was personal loans from House. Now 
se was not a well-to-do man, and hi- city sal- 
S2,500 a year. Moreover, tin < hecks, 
two of which are reproduced h signed by t Ju- 

an? for 

iiinoiints nui^ing from five to fifteen thousand dol- 
lars. Hut wh-n- was the in". I 'linn tes* 
that paid it back to House. Then where 
were ' pts? Flinn said they had been burned 
in a fir. that had occurn-d in Booth & Flinn's of- 
fice, i ulge found for Flinn, holding that it 
had not been proven that Flinn knew the checks 


were for public money, nor that he had not repaid 
the amount. 

As I have said before, however, unlawful acts 
exceptional and unnecessary in Pittshur^. 
Vlagee did not steal franchises and sell them. His 
councils gave the in to him. He and the busy Flinn 
,ook them, built railways, which M -old and 

)ought and financed and conducted, like any other 
nan whose successful career is held up as an ex- 
imple for young men. His railways, combined 
nto the Consolidated Traction Company, were 
capitalized at $30,000,000. The public debt of 
Pittsburg is about $18,000,000, and the profit on 
the railway building of Chris Magee would have 
wiped out the debt. " But you must remember," 
they say in the Pittsburg banks, " that Magee 
took risks, and his profits are the just reward of 
enterprise." This is business. But politically 
speaking it was an abuse of the powers of a popu- 
lar ruler for Boss Magee to give to Promoter Ma- 
gee all the streets he wanted in Pittsburg at his own 
terms: forever, and nothing to pay. There was 
scandal in Chicago over the granting of charters 
for twenty-eight and fifty years. Magre's read: 
" for 950 years," " for 999 years," " said Charter 
is to exist a thousand years," " said Charter if to 
exist perpetually," and the councils gave fran- 
chises for the " life of the Charter." There ii a 



mm KT rumuc omciAU, WKVT to BOM ruxw, WHO 


cmr MOXKT. 


legend that IY<I Ma-n-r. a ^a^ri>li hrollur .>!' 
Chris, j)iit the>e phniM-s into these grants for fun, 
and no doubt the genial Chris saw tin- I'nn of it. I 
asked if thr same joker put in the car tax, \\hicli is 
tin- only compensation the city gets for the use 
forever of its streets; but it was explained that 
that was an oversight. The car tax was put upon 
the old horse-cars, and came down upon the trolley 
because, having been left unpaid, it was forgotten. 
This car tax on $30,000,000 of property amounts 
to less than $15,000 a year, and the compjini< s 
have until lately been slow about paying it. Din- 
ing the twelve years succeeding 1885 all the trac- 
tion companies together paid the city $60,000. 
While the horse vehicles in 1897 paid $47,000, and 
bicycles $7,000, the Consolidated Traction Com- 
pany* (C. L. Magee, President) paid $9,600. 
The speed of bicycles and horse vehicles is limited 
by law, that of the trolley is unregulated. Tin- 
only requirement of the law upon them is that tin- 
traction company shall keep in repair the pave- 

* All the street railways terminating in the city of Pitts- 
burg were in 1901 consolidated into the 1'ittslmrg Hallways 
Company, operating 404 miles of track, under an approxi- 
mate capitalization of $84,000,000. In tlx-ir statement, ISM in I 
July 1, 1905, they report gross earnings for 1901 as $7,081,- 
452.82. Out of this they paid a car tax for 1902 to the city 
of Pittsburg of $20,099.94. At the ordinary rate of 5 per 
cent on gross earnings the tax would have been $354,072.60. 

I'l I r>lll K(, \ I I N AHI \\II.I) 
in* nt li. tween and * fo< icks. 

Tliii they don't do, and they make the city fu: 

ty policeman as guard* for crossings of their 
> at a cost of $20,000 a year in wages. 
Not ,t thr eU, the 

rin^c mack* the city work for the railways. The 
building of bridge! is one function <>f tin- mi;- 
y an a servant of the tnirtion company. 
Inir^ U a city of many hi-id^t*, and many of 
tin-in were built for iffic. Wlini t!.. 

Ma^rr railw;i\s unit u\r tin-in MMIM- of tlmn li.ul 
nit. Tin- company aakr.l t to do 

nd despitr tin protests of riti/ms and news- 
papers, 1 1 liuilt iron hrid^es in good <x)nli 
and of recent construction to accommodate 
tlir tracks. Once sonn- citi/ms uppli.d for .1 f 

to iiuilil a connecting line along what is now 
part of the Bloomficld route, and by way of . 
pensation offered to liuild a bridge across tlu- 
tsylvania tr.i !tcy only 

t\ the right to run tluir cars on it. '1 
did not gt-t thrir franchise. Not long after ChrU 
Magee (and Flinn) ^ot it, and they got it for 
nothing: and the city huilt this bridge, rebuilt 
:ier bridges over the \\ nnsylvania tracks, 
anil - : the .Junction Railroad five bridges 

in all, at a cost of $160,000! 

Canny Scots as they were, the Pittsburgers sub- 


mitted to all this for a quarter of a century, and 
some $84,000 has l>. . n suhsrrihed toward the mon- 
ument to Chris Magee. This sounds like any other 
u ell broken American city; but to the credit of 
Pittsburg be it said that there never was a time 
when .some feu individuals were not fighting tin- 
ring. David D. Bruce was standing for good gov- 
ernment way back in the 'fifties. Oliver McClintock 
and George W. Guthrie we have had <;limpsrs of, 
struggling, like John Ilampden, against their ty- 
rants; but always for mere justice and in t he- 
courts, and all in vain, till in 1895 their exposures 
began to bring forth signs of public feeling, and 
they ventured to appeal to the voters, the sources 
of the bosses' power. They enlisted the venerable 
Mr. Bruce and a few other brave men, and together 
called a mass-meeting. A crowd gathered. There 
were not many prominent men there, but evidently 
the people were with them, and they then and there 
formed the Municipal League, and launched it 
upon a campaign to beat the ring at the February 
election, 1896. 

A committee of five was put in charge Bruce, 
McClintock, George K. Stevenson, Dr. Pollock, 
and Otto Heeren who combined with Mr. (Jut li- 
ne's sterling remnant of the Democratic party on 
an independent ticket, with Mr. Guthrie at the 
head for mayor. It was a daring thing to do, and 

rriTSBURG: A < i n iSB \MI n 

nliat w, have di*r 

I ...ins ami Miniii apolis. M I; told mo 

i maM-nirvtiiiK, in. it *ho should 
me out open I \ for the movement ap- 
proached him by it 1 whi^nd that h- 
could count on them for money if he would keep 
secret th. ir mime*. ** Outside of thone .it tin meet- 
i"^," he taicl, " lut one man of all thone that *ub- 
(1 umilii lit Itis name appear. And men who 
gavi tuiatinn to tine against th, ring spoke 
tlirmnelve* f n^ on tin- pl.t' Iff. 
: lit in -k in a paper read before a committee of 
the National Municipal I.a^ue says: M By far 
n^j li><-n\rry, however, was 
i pat hit it- imliflYn-iuv of nianv repre- 
entativr riti/ms nun who from every 

A are deservedly looked upon as model 
members of society. We found that promim-nt 
merchants and contractor^ who wen- * on the in 
manufacturers i-njovinr I] unicipal 

^, wealthy capitalists, hrokors, and nthrrn 
vvi-ri- holders of tin- tion and 

rporations, had tluir mouths stopped, 
their comictions of duty strangled, and their in- 
fluence before and votes on election day pre- 
empted against us. In still another direction we 
I that the fin ancial and political support of 
the great steam railroads and largest nmmifactur- 


ing corporations, rout rolling as far as they were 
able the suffrages of their thousand^ of employ- 
ees, were thrown against us, for the simple reason, 
as was frankly explained by one of them, that it 
was much easier to deal with a boss in promoting 
their corporate interests than to deal directly with 
the people's representatives in the municipal legis- 
lature. We rven found the directors of many 
banks in an attitude of cold neutrality, if not of 
active hostility, toward any movement for munic- 
ipal reform. As one of them put it, ' if you want 
to be anybody, or make money in Pittsburg, it is 
necessary to be in the political swim and on the 
side of the city ring.' ' 

This is corruption, but it is called " good busi- 
ness," and it is worse than politics. 

It was a quarrel among the grafters of Minne- 
apolis that gave the grand jury a chance there. 
It was a low row among the grafters of St. Louis 
that gave Joseph W. Folk his opening. And so in 
Pittsburg it was in a fight between Quay and Ma- 
gee that the Municipal League saw its opportu- 

To Quay it was the other way around. The 
rising of the people of Pittsburg was an oppor- 
tunity for him. He and Magee had never got 
along well together, and they were falling out and 
having their differences adjusted by I'M inn and 

ITITSI \ ( in \H! \MI.1) Ihl 

oth. i yean. Tin- " mutual biuiness ad- 

ige" agreement was to have doted one of UMM 
rows. The fight of 1895-06 was aa espec 

.1 not I-IOM- with tin harmony" 
that wai j. i'.!:.d up. M I Fhnn and BOM 

Martin >f Iphia s. t nut to kill (Jimv pohti 

.-II tlmi into OIK- of those ** fi 
.sl,i,li ir.ik. 1 1 is career so interesting, 

hearing tli. ^nunhlin;; in IMiiltidrlpliia and ft< . 

t of tli, ritixens of 1'itt-lmr^, stepped 
hoMlv forth upon a platform for n-fonn, espe- 
cially to stop tlu- 4 * UM- of money for the corrup- 
l-'mm Quay this was comical, 

but the Pitt -burgers were too serious to Inu^li. 
They were fighting for t! . too, so to speak, 

and tli. si^lit of a boss on tli.-ir side must have en- 
i^i-d t!i..s t - l.tiMnr-s men who u found it easier 
to deal with a boss th.m uith the people's repre- 
sentatives." However that may be, a majority of 
allots cast in tin- municipal elect Pitts- 

liiir^ in Fchn: u\. 1896, were against tin- ring. 

This isn't history. According to tin- n-ronl- tin- 
reform titk.t was defeated by about 1000 votes. 
n turns up to one o'clock on the morning 
t ion showed George \V. (luthrir far ahead 
nayor; then all returns ceased suddenly, and 
when the count came in officially, a few days 1 
ring had won. But besides the prima foci 


<!< nee of fraud, tin- mister-, aftrnvanl told in 
confidence not only that Mr. Guthric was counted 
out, but how it was done. Mr. Guthrie's appeal to 
the courts, however, for a recount was denied. 
The courts held that the secret ballot law forbad. 
the opening of the ballot boxes. 

Thus the ring held Pittsburg but not the 
Pittsburgers. They saw Quay in control of the 
Legislature, Quay the reformer, who would help 
them. So they drew a charter for Pittsburg which 
would restore the city to the people. Quay saw the 
instrument, and he approved it; he promised to 
have it passed. The League, the Chamber of Com- 
merce, and other representative bodies, all encour- 
aged by the outlook for victory, sent to Harris- 
burg committees to urge their charter, and their 
orators poured forth upon the Magee-Flinn ring a 
flood of, not invective, but facts, specifications of 
outrage, and the abuse of absolute power. Their 
charter went booming along through its first and 
second readings, Quay and the Magee-Flinn crowd 
fighting inch by inch. All looked well, when sud- 
denly there was silence. Quay was dealing with 
his enemies, and the charter was his club. He 
wanted to go back to the Senate, and he went. 
The Pittsburgers saw him elected, saw him go, but 
their charter they saw no more. And such is the 
State of Pennsylvania that this man who did this 

ITI i - v cm vsn \\II.D i- . 

" PiM-ln. lm don. tin- like Again 

ami all interests rv. u poli- 
i t he boas of Pennsylvania to-day ! 
I : good men of Pittslmrg gu\e up, uiul for 
vrjirs the csscnt \ of !! government 

of tlu- city is a men? thread ii: iml histnrv 

of tin- i|uirr N of thr botMt ID State politic. 

gee wanted to go t<> tli, Tnitcd Staten Senate, 
he had with him Boat Martin and .John Wana- 
maker of Philailrlphia, as well a* his own Flinn. 
turiixi mi )>osses, ami. undermining 

tlu-ir pnw.-r. soon liucl Marti: in IMiiladel- 

Po <>\. rtiirow Magcc was a harder task, and 
Quay might m-vrr have accomplished it had not 
Magcc'f* health t'i -!. i -i-ing him to be much 
away. Pitt.slmrg was I. ft t> Flinn, and his mas- 
ilness, umniti^ it. ,i hy Magec, made trouble. 
The crisis came out of a row Flinn had with his Di- 
rector of Tuhlit Works, K. M. Higelow, a man as 
il as Flinn himself. Higelow threw open 
inpetition rert.-iin contracts. Flinn, in exav 

( had the councils throw out th 
and put in his place a man who restored the old 

This enraged Thomas Steele Bigelow, E. M. 
Bigelow's brother, and another nephew of old 
Pom had an old grudge ag 

the early days of traction 

184 Tin: SIIA.MI: or Tin: CITIES 
deals. Hi* was rich. he knew something of politic^ 

and lie believed in the power of money in the ^ame. 
Going straight to Harrisburg, he took charge of 
Quay's fight for Senator, spent his own money and 
won; and he beat Magec, wlmli was his first pur- 

But he was not satisfied yet. Tin- ritfsbur 
aroused to fresh hope by the new fight of tin- 
bosses, were encouraged also by the news that 
the census of 1900 put a second city, Scran ton, 
into "cities of the second class." New laws 
had to be drawn for both. Pittsbnr^ saw a chance 
for a good chartt-r. Tom Bigelow saw a chance 
to finish the Magee-Flinn ring, and he had 
William B. Rogers, a man whom the city trusted. 
draw the famous "Ripper Bill"! This was 
originally a good charter, concentrating po\\er 
in the mayor, but changes were introduced 
into it to enable the Governor to remove 
and appoint mayors, or recorders, as they u<r< 
to be called, at will until April, 1903, when the first 
elected recorder was to take office. This was 
Bigelow's device to rid Pittsburg of the ring office 
holders. But Magee was not dead yet. He and 
Flinn saw Governor Stone, and when the Governor 
ripped out the ring mayor, he appointed a- 
corder Major A. M. Brown, a lawyer well thought 
of in Pittsburg. 


Major Brown, howe\. r, k.-pt all hut one of the 
h ads of the department*. Thi* disappointed 
people; it wiui a defeat for Bigflow; for the 
it 'i* a triuinpli. Without Magee, howe?cr 9 

Flinn could nnt hold his frlln** in their joy, and 

t to CXPMMI * operated Major 

Brown and gave Btgelow an excuse for ur 

him to action. M Brown sti.l.l. nlv rO>OVtd 

tin- heads of the rin^ and IM-^HH a thorough reor- 

/.'ition of the govrrmnrnt. This reversed eroo- 

, hut not for long. Tin- rin^ leaders saw 

tic agaii . ripjKd out Bigelow's 

Brown and appoint, d in his place a rin^ Brown. 

Thus the ring was restored to full control under a 

'i iticreased their power. 
the outrageous abuse of the Governor's un- 
usual power over the eitv iiuvnx.-d thr people of 
!mr#. A postscript which Governor Stonr 
added to his announcement of the appoint 
ment of the new record* T did not help mat- 
it was a denial that lie had heen hi 
The Pittsburgers had not heard of any !>ri! 
hut the postscript gave cum my to a defi- 
;port that tin- ring its banks, its corpora* 
d its bosses had raised an enormous fund 
to pay the (. for his i, ,. J n the 

and this pointed th- intnixr f.rliu^s of the 
>. They prepared to beat tin ring at an 


t-lirt ion to be held in February, 1902, for Comp- 
troller and half of the councils. A Citi/ens' party 
was organized. The campaign was an excited 
one; both sides did their best, and the vote polled 
was the largest ever k noun in I'ittshurg. Ev.-n tin- 
ring made a record. Tin citizens won, houever, 
, rf ' and by a majority of 8,000. 

This shouid the people what they could do when 
they tried, and they were so elated that they went 
into the next election and carried the county the 
stronghold of the ring. But they now had a party 
to look out for, and they did not look out for it. 
They neglected it just as they had the city. Tom 
Bigelow knew the value of a majority party: In- 
had appreciated the Citizens' from the start. In- 
deed he may have started it. All tin- reformers 
know is that the committee which called the Citi- 
zens' Party into existence was made up of twenty- 
five men five old Municipal Leaguers, the rest a 
"miscellaneous lot." They did not bother then 
about that. They knew Tom Bigelow, but he did 
not show himself, and the new party went on con- 
fidently with its passionate work. 

When the time came for the great election, that 
for recorder this year (1903), the citizens woke 
up one day and found Tom Bigelow the boss of 
their party. How he came there they did not ex- 
actly know; but there he was in full possession, 

n i \ in AHI \\II.D 187 

and there with him was tin- "miscellaneous lot " 
on th, , . Moreover, Higelow was appl\ 

ing with vigor regular machine method*. It was all 

istunixhM.-r, hut x, r \ si, Magee was 

dead; Flinn's < ml wa* in M^ht ; hut there wa* the 

Boss, the everlasting Ann ru-an DOM, as large a* 

The good citizen* were shocked; thir <h 

lemma was ridiculous hut it was serious too. 

!. >s, thrv wahh.d. Higvlow nominated for 
recorder u n would have (hoten. 

I i put tip a h-tt-r man, hopin; 
iienff, and whrii these said they could see Flinn be- 
hind his candidate, he said, "No; I am out of 

Win ii M i I died politi. 

too/' Nobody would t m. The decent 

Democrats hoped to 'luir purtv and offer 

a way out, hut Hi^. I.u unit into tin ir c< 
with his inniu-v and tlh- u old orgiini/ 

sold out. Tin- Miii-ll of money on tl- Citizens' side 
i to it thr ^rafti-r>, tin- rats from Flinn's 
sinking >hip; niaiiv of tin- corporations went 
and pretty soon it was understood that the rail- 
roads had come to a settlement ainon^ thniiM-Ivr* 

itli thr new boss, on the basis of an agree- 
ment said to contain fire specifications of grants 
from thr cit v. Tin- t- >n to votr for Minn's 

was strong, hut tin- old reformers seem* 
feel that the only thing to do was to finish Flinn 

now and take care of Tom Bigclow lain. This 
view prevailed and Tom Bigclow won. This is the 
\\i\\ tin- lu-st men in Pittsburg put it : M \\Y have 
smashed a ring and we have wound another around 
us. Now we have got to smash that ." 

There is the spirit of this city as I understand 
it. ("raven as it was for years, corrupted high 
and low, Pittsburg did rise ; it shook off the super- 
stition of partisanship in municipal politics; 
beaten, it rose again; and now, when it might have 
boasted of a triumph, it saw straight: a defeat. 
The old fighters, undeceived and undeceiving, hu- 
miliated but undaunted, said simply : " All we have 
got to do is to begin all over again." Meanwhile, 
however, Pittsburg has developed some young men, 
and with an inheritance of this same spirit, they 
are going to try out in their own way. The older 
men undertook to save the city with a majority 
party and they lost the party. The younger men 
have formed a Voters' Civic League, which pro- 
poses to swing from one party to another that 
minority of disinterested citizens which is always 
willing to be led, and thus raise the standard of 
candidates and improve the character of regular 
party government. Tom Bigelow intended to cap 
hire the old Flinn organization, combine it with 
his Citizens' party, and rule as Magee did with 
one party, a union of all parties. If he should 

Ml I 9B1 RG \ I'm ASH \Ml.D 189 

do thi", tli n former* would have no two 

parties to choose between; Imt th.-n- htnnd the old 

fi^l'tiTi* ready to rebuild a Citizen** party under 

or any other name. Whate\ >e i* 

i, luiHTvrr, Homctliin^ will be done i I 

l.ur^, or I l.-ust. for good government, and 

t hr cowardice and r* n Bhamelemsly dU- 

ii other citiea, the effort <: ur^, 

ul an it is, i a spectacle good for American 

and it* sturdiness b A promi*< 
poor old Pennsylvania. 

,1. ADI. I. I'll! \ < <Kl;' 
( nVM.Vl 1 1) 

luly. 1903) 

OIHKE American cities, no matter how bad th<ir 
condition may be, all point with scorn to 

a worse ** the worst-governed 
in flu- roimtr\ " SI 1 .mils, Minneapolis, PitUburg 
Mihmit with some patience to the jibe of any < 
cnmmunitN ; the most friendly suggestion from 
tlwitli. ! IMiil- 

adi-lphiaiiH are 4t su| "asleep"; hopeleMly 

rulnl. they are " oomph " Politically 

:," Philadelphia is supposed to have no 
li-ht to throw upon a state of things that is almost 

Thin is not fair. Philadelphia is, indeed, cor- 
rupt ; hut it is not without significance. Every 

and town in tin- country ran learn something 

thr t \ pic il political experience of this great 
! city. New York is excused for many 
- ills because it is the metropolis, Chicago be- 
cause of its forced develoj > ' 1 phi. i is our 
* 4 third largest " city and its growth has been grad- 
ual and natural. Immigration lias been blamed 



for our municipal conditions; Philadelphia, with 
47 per cent, of its population native horn of na- 
ti\r horn pan-nts, i.s the most Ann rican of our 
greater cities. It is "good," too, and intelligent. 
I don't know just how to measure the intelligence 
of a community, but a Pennsylvania college profes- 
sor who declared to me his belief in education for 
the masses as a way out of political corruption, 
himself justified the " rake-off" of preferred con- 
tractors on public works on the ground of a " fair 
husiness profit." Another plea we have made is 
that we are too busy to attend to public busine^, 
and we have promised, when we come to wealth and 
leisure, to do better. Philadelphia has long en- 
joyed great and widely distributed prosperity; it 
is the city of homes ; there is a dwelling house for 
every five persons, men, women, and children, 
of the population ; and the people give one a sense 
of more leisure and repose than any community I 
ever dwelt in. Some Philadelphians account for 
their political state on the ground of their ease and 
comfort. There is another class of optimists whose 
hope is in an " aristocracy " that is to come by 
and by ; Philadelphia is surer that it has a " real 
aristocracy " than any other place in the world, 
but its aristocrats, with few exceptions, are in the 
ring, with it, or of no political use. Then we hear 
that we are a young people and that when we are 

Till! \D1.1. 1'illA ( . I 1.0 195 

i and " have- like lome of the old 

countries, we also will be honest. Philadelphia is 
one of the oldest of our cities and treasure* for us 
scenes and relict of tome of the nobl- 

fair Und N ' I was told how once, 
a party of boodlers counted out the 
of th. ir ^r.ift in unUon with the ancient 

chimr of Independence Hall. 

IMiilmli Ipln.i IN npreaentii 1 i* Tery 

told, as it was, with a laugh, is typical. 
All our municipal governments are more or less 
bad, and all our people are optimists. Philadelphia 
is simply the most corrupt and the most contented, 
capolis has cleaned up, PitUburg has tried to, 
N ik fights every other election, Chicago 
fights all the time. K\m St. Louis has begun to 
.st ir ( since the elections are over), and at the worst 
was only shameless. Philadelphia is proud; good 
people there defend corruption and boast of tlu-ir 
me. My college professor, with his philo- 
sophic view of " rake-offs," is one Philadelphia 
A man, who, driven to bay with 

x-al pride, says: "At least you must admit 

: m.u-liinc is the best you have ever set 

l fall otlxr cities say so. But I say 

i'.'iil.ul. Ij.hia is a disgrace, it is a disgrace 

not to itself alone, nor to Pennsylvania, but to the 

i and to American character. For 


thix o;n;it city, so highly rcpr.-. nlat ive in other 
1-1 -prcts, j> not behind in political experience, hut 
ahead, with New York. I'hiladt Iphia is a city that 
has had its reforms. Having passed through all 
the typical stages of corruption, Philadelphia 
reached the period of miscellaneous loot with a ls 
for chief thief, under James McManes and the Gas 
Ring 'way hack in the late sixties and seventies. 
This is the Tweed stage of corruption from which 
St. Louis, for example, JN jn^t c mrr<rin;r. Phila- 
delphia, in two inspiring popular revolt ^, attacked 
the Gas Ring, broke it, and in 1885 achieved that 
dream of American cities a good charter. The 
present condition of Philadelphia, therefore, is not 
that which precedes, but that which follows reform, 
and in this distinction lies its startling general sig- 
nificance. What has happened since the Bullitt 
Law or charter went into effect in Philadelphia may 
happen in any American city " after reform is 

For reform with us is usually revolt, not govern- 
ment, and is soon over. Our people do not seek, 
they avoid self-rule, and " reforms " are spasmodic 
efforts to punish bad rulers and get somebody that 
will give us good government or something that 
will make it. A self-acting form of government is 
an ancient superstition. We are an inventive 
people, and we all think that we shall devise some 

Mill. \DI.1. Pill \ < OVI I VI I.I) 197 
day a legal nmrli v ill turn out good govern- 

ment automata nil \. "1 I 1 

treasured tin-. U-lief longer than tin rr*t of ti* and 
havi moiv iiftui. Throughout ' 

v have sought this wonderful charter and 

| I, .i.l it uli.-n they gut tin- Bullitt 

Law, whi.-h c .mo nt rat, . in tin m.i\..r ample power, 

| little thoil- 

on the part of tin- people. All th.-y expectnl t.. 
have to do u Hullitt Law unit into effect 

waa to elect a mayor a good busmen man, who, 

nith his y and common sense, would give 
them that good tniftineiui administration which is the 
ideal of many reformers. 

I be Hullitt Law went int.. n 1887- \ 

committee of t\\.-l\. four men from the 1 
Leag from business organizations, and four 

tin- II..SMX pi.-k.-il uut tin- first man to nin 
iinili-r it on th- H. pu! 1 I I I'itli-r. 

an ahlc, upri^lit IMIMM. man, and he was elected. 

ige to say, his administration was satisfa* ' 
to tli >, who speak well of it to this day, and 

to the politicians also; Boss McMancs ( 
was brokfu. n<>t the IHJSS) took to the ! ional 

convention from Philadelphia a delegation solid for 
i nt of tl; i - ito, It was 

a farce, hut it plonsed Mr. 1'itkr, so Matthew S. 

Quay, the State bo>, let him have a complimentary 
vote on the first ballot. Tin- politicians " fooled * 
.Mr. Filler, and they " fooled" also tin- next busi- 
ness mayor, Edwin S. Stuart, likewise a most esti- 
mable gentleman. Under these two a<lmmi>t rat ions 
the foundation was laid for the present government 
of Philadelphia, the corruption to which Philadel- 
phians seem so reconciled, and the machine which is 
"at least the best you have ever Men* 91 

The Philadelphia machine isn't the best. It 
isn't sound, and I doubt if it would stand in New 
York or Chicago. The enduring strength of the 
typical American political machine is that it is a 
natural growth a sucker, but deep-rooted in the 
people. The New Yorkers vote for Tammany 
Hall. The Philadelphians do not vote; they are 
disfranchised, and their disfranchisement is one 
anchor of the foundation of the Philadelphia or- 

This is no figure of speech. The honest citizens 
of Philadelphia have no more rights at the polls 
than the negroes down South. Nor do they fight 
very hard for this basic privilege. You can arou-e 
their Republican ire by talking about the black 
Republican votes lost in the Southern States by 
white Democratic intimidation, but if you remind 
the average Philadelphian that he is in the same 
position, he will look startled, then say, " That's 

Hill. MM I. I'll! \ ( ()V1 I VI I.I) 199 
.so, that's lit, rall\ true, only I never thought 

ist that WHY/' Ami it j> lit, rally tme. 
Tin- nmchinr controls the whole prom* of vot- 
and practices fraud at every stage. The as- 
Mttor's lut i the voting list, and the ssrii 
tin- i M. ui. ** The assessor of a division 

a disorderly home; he padded his lint* with 
fraudulent names registered from hi* house; two 
icte names were used bj election officers, 
constable of the division kept a disreputable 
house; a policeman was assessed as living there. 
Tin el.-ction was held in the disorderly house 
tained l>\ the assessor. . . . The man named 
as judge had a criminal charge for a life offense 

ling against him. . . . Two hundred and I 
two votes were return, d in a division that had kit 

one hundred legal \otcs within its hound 
aries." These extract* from a report of the Munic- 
ipal League suggest the . I. .-ti..n m 
assessor pads the list with the names of dead dogs, 
children, and n<>n r\Ut,nt perrons. One newspaper 
print, d th< picture of a dog, another that of a 
r-year-old negro boy, down on such a list, 
ng orator in a speech HM nting sneers at his 
ward as "low down" remind, d his hearers that 
that was the ward of Independence Hall, and, nam- 
ing over signers of the Declaration of Ind, | 
enee, he closed his highest flight of eloquence with 


the statement that " tin-.- in. n, the fathers of 
Ameriean liberty, \otrd do\\ n Inn- oner. And," he 
added, \\i\\\ a catching <^rin, " they vote here yet." 
Rudolph Hlankenburg, a persixtent fighter for tin- 
right and the use of the right to vote (and, by 
the \\ay, an immigrant), sent out just before 
one election a registered letter to each rotef 
on the rolls of a certain Mketed division. Sixty- 
three per cent, were returned marked k4 not at," 
" removed," " d. < . MM d," etc. From one four-story 
house where forty-four voters wen- addressed, eigh- 
te.-n letters came back undelivered; from another 
of forty-eight voters, came back forty-one letters ; 
from another sixty-one out of sixty-two; from 
another, forty-four out of forty-seven. Six honors 
in one division were assessed at one hundred and 
seventy-two voters, more than the votes cast in the 
previous election in any one of two hundred entire 

The repeating is done boldly, for the machine 
controls the election officers, often choosing them 
from among the fraudulent names; and when no 
one appears to serve, assigning the heeler ready for 
the expected vacancy. The police are forbidden by 
law to stand within thirty feet of the polls, but 
they are at the box and they are there to see that 
the machine's orders are obeyed and that repeaters 
whom they help to furnish are permitted to vote 

I'llll \DI I I'll! \ ( n\ 1 | \ I I.I) 
without " intimid.itimi " on th name* they, the 

1 i of an anti-ma- 

papcr who wan looking about for hiniM-lf once 

told me that a ward leader who knew him * ill asked 

him into a polling pl. u , . " Til *how you how it** 

done," he said, ami l> hud th- repeaters go r 

round voting .i^ain and again on the IMUMt 
hamKd tin m on slipn. Hut/* a* the editor said, 
M that isn't the way it** done.** The repeaters go 
i one polling ; .-mother, \oting on 

li change coats, hat>. 

I husimsN pr.KTeds with \ r\ !' w liitrhrs; thi-n- 
If m<> :{ thiin fighting. Violrnn in tin- past 

has had its effect ; and is not often necessary now- 
adays, but if it is needed the police are there to 
applv it. S.\n,il citum told nu- that they had 
MH- polio- Ii.-Ip to 1). -IH or election offi- 

cers who were trvin^ to do tlu-ir duty, then arrest 
rtim; ai linton Rogers Woodruff, the 

tivr counsel of tin- Municipal League, has 
puhlished a booklet of such cases. But an official 
In- case is at hand in an announo -mrnt 
hn \\Y;m r, the new machine ma\ iMiil.i 

delphia, that li. i< ^)in^ to keep th- polio- out of 
|H)litirs and away from tin- polU. %% I shall ee, w 
he afldiMl, *' that rvrry votrr n joy-* th- full ri^ht 
_: and that ballots may be placed in the 
ballot box without fear of intimidation.** 


But ninny I'hiladelphians do not try to vol.-. 
They lea\. (\irything to the machine, and the 
machine casts their ballots for them. It is rxti- 
mated that 150,000 voters did not go to the polls 
at the last election. Yet the machine rolled up a 
majority of 130,000 for Weaver, with a fraudulent 
vote estimated all the way from forty to eighty 
thousand, and tin- in a campaign so machine made 
that it was called "no contest." Francis Fisher 
Kane, the Democrat, got 32,000 votes out of some 
204,000. "What is the use of votingr" these 
stay-at-homes ask. A friend of mine told me he 
was on the lists in the three wards in which he had 
successively dwelt. He votes personally in none, 
but the leader of his present ward tells him how he 
has been voted. Mr. J. C. Reynolds, the propri- 
etor of the St. James Hotel, went to the poll- at. 
eleven o'clock last election day, only to be told that 
he had been voted. He asked how many other-* from 
his house had voted. An election officer took up a 
list, checked off twelve names, two down twice, and 
handed it to him. When Mr. Reynolds got home 
he learned that one of these had voted, the others 
had been voted. Another man said he rarely at- 
tempted to vote, but when he did, the officer^ 1> t 
him, even though his name had already been voted 
on; and then the negro repeaters would ask if his 
" brother was coming 'round to-day." They were 

nin.ADi.i.i'i 1 1 i) " ; 

going t<> in, a thej vote all good-nat 

\\ 'In ii tin*, kind of man 

turns mi- a leader to me, " we Dimply hare 

two rejM'Hters extra one to balance him and one 
more to tin- -..< necessary* after all 

*. the vote '* ri^ht," and there i 
little ue appealing to tin- courK, sino- they have 
tioiuTH" '>e ha Hot box is secret 

aii.l opened. The only legal remedy lien 

in tin pur^m^ ,,f tin- assessor's list*, and when the 
Municipal League had thi> done in 1899, they re- 
ported that there was ** wholesale voting on hc 

H strit-ken off.** 

M Md of self-government, the Philadelphians 
haven't \< n self-govr rnin^ timrliinr government. 
They have tlieir own boas, but he and his marl line 
are subject to the State rin^, and take their orders 
from the State boss, V - Quay, who is the 

proprietor of Pennsylvania and the real nil 

lu'a, just as William lYim, the Great Pro- 

<>r, was. rhiladelphians, especially the local 

bosses, dislike this description of tlieir government, 

and they point for refutation to their charter. But 

very Hullitt Law was passed by Quay, and he 

it through the Legislature, not for reform 

reasons, but at the instance of Da\ M II I 

delphia lieutenant, as a check upon the power 
'>ss McManes. Later, when McManes proved 


hopelessly insubordinatt . ( t >uav decided to have 
done with him forever. Heel I) d Mart in for 
boss, and from his seat in the United States Senate, 
IVnn's successor raised up his man and set him >\< T 
the people. Croker, who rose by his own strength 
to the head of Tammany Hall, has tried twice to 
appoint a successor; no one else could, and In- 
failed. The boss of Tammany Hall is a growth. 
So Croker has attempted to appoint district leaders 
and failed ; a Tammany district leader is a growth. 
Boss Martin, picked up and set down from above, 
was accepted by Philadelphia and tin Philadelphia 
machine, and he removed old ward leaders and ap- 
pointed new ones. Some leaders in Philadelphia 
own their wards, of course, but Martin and, after 
him, Durham have sent men into a ward to lead it, 
and they have led it. 

The Philadelphia organization is upside down. 
It has its root in the air, or, rather, like the banyan 
tree, it sends its roots from the center out both up 
and down and all around, and there lies its peculiar 
strength. For when I said it was dependent and 
not sound, I did not mean that it was weak. It is 
dependent as a municipal machine, but the organ- 
ization that rules Philadelphia is, as we have seen, 
not a mere municipal machine, but a city, State, 
and national organization. The people of Phila- 
delphia are Republicans in a Republican city in a 

I'illLADl I rill \ < ONTENTED f05 
Mican State in Urpuhlicun and they 

^ on rin^ on ring. Tlie President of 
tin United States and his patronage; the National 
< < t in J tL ir patronage; the Congrats and the 
patronage of the Senators and the Congressmen 
I ' imtylvania ; the Governor of the State and 
the State Ix'gUlfiturr with thrir powers and pat- 
ronage; and all mayor and ciiy cot: 
have of power ami patronage all these ilnwn 
upon Philadelphia to kp it in thr control of 
Quay's boss and his little ring. Thi* is the ideal 
of party organization, and, ponnibly, is the end 
toward which our dt republic is ten* 
If it is, the end is absolutism. Nothing but a revo- 

i cou Id . w this oligai 

its danger. With no mill* t .it the polls for puhlic 
feeling, the machim- ( -an not be taught anything it 
does not know except at the cost of annihilation. 
But th Iphia machine-leaders know t 

icss. As I said in " Tweed Days in 
I jioliticians will learn, if the people 

won't, from exposure and reform. T 1' nsyl- 
vania bosses learned the " uses of reform " ; we 
have seen Quay applying it t. 

and he since has turned reformer himself, to pun- 
local bosses. The bosses have learned also 
the danger of combination between citizens and the 
Democrats. To prevent this, Quay and his friends 

have spread sedulously the doctrine of " reform 
within the party," and, from the Committee of One 
Hundred on, the reformers have stuck pretty faith- 
fully to this principle. But lest the citizens should 
commit such a sin against their party, Martin 
formed a permanent combination of the Democrat ic 
with the Republican organization, using to that 
end a goodly share of the Federal and county pat- 
ronage. Thus the people of Philadelphia we re 
" fixed " so that they couldn't vote if they wanted 
to, and if they should want to, they couldn't vote 
for a Democrat, except of Republican or independ- 
ent choosing. In other words, having taken away 
their ballot, the bosses took away also the choice of 

But the greatest lesson learned and applied was 
that of conciliation and " good government." The 
people must not want to vote or rebel against the 
ring. This ring, like any other, was formed for 
the exploitation of the city for private profit, and 
the cementing force is the " cohesive power of 
public plunder." But McMancs and Tweed had 
proved that miscellaneous larceny was dangerous, 
and why should a lot of cheap politicians get so 
much and the people nothing at all? The people 
had been taught to expect but little from their 
rulers: good water, good light, clean streets well 
paved, fair transportation, the decent repression of 

mil \Di l NllA: CONTENTED f07 
jMililic order ami j.ul.l.. > if, t\, and no scan- 
dulou* or op* i ,-tion, would more tlmn sir 

thrni. It would be good business and good politics 
to give them these things. Like Chris Mage*, who 
(1 out the problem with him, Martin took 
away from the rank and file of the party and from 
A art! leaders and office holders the privilege at 
, and he formed companies and groups to han- 
r legitimate public business of the city. It 
was all graft, Imt it was to tie all lawful, and, in 
. it was. Public- franchise*, public works, 
and puhlic contracts were the principal brandies 
<>f tin husincss, and Martin adopted the dual boss 
idea, which we have seen worked out by Magee and 
i in Pittsburg. In Philadelphia it was Martin 
and Portrr, and just as Flinn had a firm, Booth 
& Flinn, Ltd., so pai 1'illurt and Porter. 

I ll>ert and Porter got all the public contracts 
could handle, and the rest went to other con- 
<lly to them and to the ring. Some- 
tlu pi .f. i red contractor was the lowest bid- 
der, but he did not have to be. The law allowed 
awards to be the " lowest and best," and the courts 
that tins gave the officials discretion. But 
since public criticism was to be considered, the 
rin, to keep up appearances, resorted to many 
t ricks. One was to have fake bids made above the 
favorite. Another was to have the favorite bid 


high, but set an impovsihlr tiinr limit ; tin- (k-purt- 
nunt of the city councils could extend tin- time 
aft i rwards. Still another was to arrange for spec- 
ifications which would make outsiders bid high, 
then either openly alter the plans or let the ring 
firm perform work not up to requirements. 

Many of Martin's deals and jobs were scandals, 
but they were safe; they were in the direction of 
public service; and the great mass of the business 
was done quietly. Moreover, the public was get- 
ting something for its money, not full value, but 
a good percentage. In other words, there was a 
limit to the " rake-off," and some insiders have told 
me that it had been laid down as a principle with 
the ring that the people should have in value ( that 
is, in work or benefit, including a fair profit) nine- 
ty-five cents out of every dollar. In some of the 
deals I have investigated, the " rake-off " over and 
above profit was as high as twenty-five per cent. 
Still, even at this, there was " a limit," and the 
public was getting, as one of the leaders told me, 
" a run for its money." Cynical as it all sounds, 
this view is taken by many Philadelphians almost 
if not quite as intelligent as my college professor. 

But there was another element in the policy of 
conciliation which is a potent factor in the content- 
ment of Philadelphia, and I regard it as the key to 
that " apathy " which has made the community 

I'HII. \DI.I. Till \ ( ON I I A I I 1) 
notorious \\ have Men how Quay had with him 
the Federal resource! and thotc of the State, and 

State ring, and we have teen how Mn 
having ti major, and councils, won over the 

Democrat leaders. Here they had under paj 

in office at least 15,000 men and women. But each 
of these 15,000 persons was selected for office be- 
cause he could deliver votes, either by organiza- 
tions, by parties, or by families. These must rep- 
resent pr. My near a majority of the city's voters. 

t his is by no means the end of the ring's reach. 
In the State ring are the great corporations, the 
Standard Oil Company, Cramp's Shipyard, and 
the steel companies, with t}..- \\ nnsylvania Rail- 
road at their head, and all the local transportation 
ami nt lu T public utility companies following a* 
get franchises, _ces, exemptions, - 

they have helped (<uay through deals: the 

sylvania paid Martin, Quay said once, a large 

yearly salary; the Cramps get contracts to build 

I'nitfd States ships, and for years have been beg- 

| for a subsidy on home-made ships. The offi- 

tors, and stockholders of these companies, 

with tlu-ir friends their hankers, and their em- 

ees, are of the or. ion. Better still, one 

of the local bosses of Philadelphia told me he could 
always give a worker a job with these companies, 
ju>t as he could in a city department, or in the 


mint, or post-office. Thru there an- the hankers 
who enjov, or niav some day enjoy, public deposits; 
tlioM- that profit on loans to finance political finan- 
cial dials; the promoting capitalists who share with 
the hosses on franchises; and the brokers who deal 
in ring securities and speculate upon ring tips. 
Through the exchange the ring financiers reach the 
investing public, which is a large and influential 
body. The traction companies, which bought thrir 
way from beginning to end by corruption, which 
have always been in the ring, and whose financiers 
have usually shared in other big ring deals, adopted 
early the policy of bribing the people with " small 
blocks of stock." Dr. Frederick Spcirs, in his 
"The Street Railway System of Philadelphia," 
came upon transactions which " indicate clearly 
that it is the policy of the Union Company to get 
the securities into the hands of a large number of 
small holders, the plain inference being that a wide 
distribution of securities will fortify the company 
against possible attacks by the public." In 1895 
he found a director saying: " Our critics have en- 
gaged the Academy of Music, and are to call an 
a--t mblage of people opposed to the street railways 
as now managed. It would take eight Academies 
of Music to hold the stockholders of the Union 
Traction Company." 

But we are not yet through. Quay has made a 

specialty all Ins 1 1 IV of reformer*, and he aii<: 
local bosses have woo over so many tlutt th l^t >f 
. i , i-> \< i \ . wry long. Martin drove 
down hi rooU through race and religion, too. 

Uphiii was one of the hot -bed* of ** know- 
II..H.IM-: M.I." Martin recogniied the Catholic, and 
the Iri-1. lush, and to drew off* into th.- Republican 

v the great natural aupplv of the Democrat*; 
and lib suceetton have given hig) 
sent.-. thin Un't corruption!** 

No, and nritlu -r is that corruption uliich inaket the 
headt of great educational and rharitv in-titi.- 
" go along,** as they say in Pennsylvania, in order 
to get appropriations for tht-ir institution* from 
the S 1 land from t They know what 

is going on, but they do not jo u movements. 

The provost of t ! i rsitv of r 

i in a n volt because, he said, it ini^lit 

.;r his usi-ftilnrss to thr I \ . And so it 

is witli oth. r>, and with clergymen who hnv. fa\or 
liarities; with Sahhath and < 

1 clubs; with lawyers who want briefs; 
real estate dealers who like to know in advance 
about public improvements, and real estate owners 
who appreciate light assessments ; with shopkeepers 
who don't want to be bothered with strict inspec- 

lure is no other hold for the ring on a man 

T1IK SHAME OF '1111. dTir.S 

there alu;i\s IN tin- protective tariff'. "I don't 
care," said a manufacturer. "What if they do 
plunder and rob us, it can't hurt me unlevs they 
raise the tax rates, and even that won't ruin me. 
Our party keeps up the tariff. If they should K 
duce that, my business would he ruined." 

Such, then, are the ramifications of this machine, 
such is its strength. No wonder Martin could 
break his own rules, as he did, and commit excesses. 
Philadelphia is not merely corrupt, it is corrupted. 
Martin's doom was proclaimed not in Philadelphia, 
but in the United States Senate, and his offense was 
none of this business of his, but his failure to nom- 
inate as successor to Mayor Stuart the man, Boise 
Penrose, whom Matt Quay chose for that place. 
Martin had consented, but at the last moment he 
ordered the nomination of Charles F. Warwick in- 
stead. The day that happened Mr. Quay arose on 
the floor of the Senate and, in a speech so irrelevant 
to the measure under consideration that nobody 
out of Pennsylvania understood it, said that there 
was in his town a man who had given as his reason 
for not doing what he had promised to do, the ex- 
CUM- that he was " under a heavy salary from a 
great corporation (the Pennsylvania Railroad) 
and was compelled to do what the corporation 
wished him to do. And," added Senator Quay, 
" men in such a position with high power for good 


go aboi d-.l 

iark of the cur] r foreheads." 

-. named as the new boat Israel W. Durham, a 

ward lender under M 

Martin having h rough Major Warwick 

in the State, with Chris Magee for an 
allv, but Quay t -i then-, and then pre- 

pared to Ix-at tin in iii their own ritie*. i I v was 
in, and he .soon had the people about m^ 

iy responded with a Legislative committee to 
investigate abuses in the cities, hut this no-called 
44 Lexow " was called off before it amounted to 
much more th/m a momentary embarrassment to 
kin. Martin's friends, on the other hand, 
hi Quay and nearly sent him to prison. The 
People's Bank, James M M mes, president, failed. 
^ ! I pkins, had lx?en speculat- 
ing and Irttin^ Quay and other politicians have 
bank funds without <* for stock gambling. 
! iv and the State Treasurer left heavy 

State deposits with the bank. Hopkins lost 1,^ 
and shot himself. McManes happened to call 
lends of Martin to advise him. and these sug- 
gested a Martin man for receiver. They found 
among the items money lent to Qua\ t se- 

curity, except the State funds, and telegrams ask- 
ing Hopkins to l.uv " 1000 Met " (Metropolitan) 


and promising in return to " shake tin- plum tree." 
(Juuv, his .son, Richard H., and Benjamin J. Hay- 
wood, the State Treasurer, were indicted for con- 
spiracy, and every effort was made to have tin- trial 
precede the next election for the Legislature which 
was to elect a successor to Quay in the United 
States Senate; but Quay got stays and postpone- 
ments in the hopes that a more friendly District 
Attorney could be put in that office. Martin se- 
cured the election of Peter F. Rothermel, who was 
eager to try the case, and Quay had to depend on 
other resources. The trial came in due course, and 
failed; Judge Diddle ruled out the essential evi- 
dence on the ground that it was excluded by the 
statute of limitation. Rothermel went on with the 
trial, but it was hopeless ; Quay was acquitted and 
the other cases were abandoned. 

Popular feeling was excited by this exposure of 
Quay, but there was no action till the factional 
fighting suggested a use for it. Quay had refused 
the second United States Senatorship to John 
Wanamaker, and Wanamaker led through the 
State and in Philadelphia a fight against the boss, 
which has never ceased. It took the form of a re- 
form campaign, and Quay's methods were made 
plain, but the boss beat Wanamaker at every point, 
had Pen rose made Senator, and through Pen rose 
and Durham was gradually gfttin<r p<>^ ( ..ion of 


rhilad. Iphi.'i. The final triumph came with the 

mill II. AO.t.f.dg* as major. 

44 Stars ripe* Sam," as AshbKdgv is soot* 

i was a speech-maker and a " joiner.** 

That is to taj, he made a practice of goin^ t.> 

lodges, associations, brotherhoods, Sundaj -schools, 

ill sorts of public and private meetings, 

ome, hut making at all speeches patriotic and 

mental. He was very popular. Under th- 

Bullitt LAW, as I have said, all that is necessary to 

a good administration and complrtr, though tcm- 

pora !i, i a good mayor. The politicians tin v must nominate a man in whom the 

people as well as themselves have faith. They had 

had faith in Warw irk, lx>th the riiitf find the people, 

ami Warwick hail found it impossihle to satisfy two 

stu-h masters. Now Uiey put tlu-ir faith in Ash- 

_CC, and so <lid Durham, and so did Martin. All 

vats accepte<l him, therefore, and all wat 

him with hope and more or left assurance; none 

more than the good people. And, indeed, no man 

muld II.INC promised more or public sen-ice 

Ashhridge. The result, however, was dis- 

Mr. Ashbridgc i( threw down " Martin, and he 
recognized Quay's man, "I I ) irham, as the po- 
ll boss. Durham is a high type of boss, can- 
did, but of few words; generous, but businesslike ; 


complrti' master of him^ If, and a genius at organ- 
ization. For lYnn-H\ Ivania politics he is n cons, ,- v - 
ativi- leader, and tlim- would have Invn no \< 
under In'in, as there have been few " rows." Hut 
Mi. Durham has not been the master of the Phila- 
delphia situation. He bowed to Quay, and he could 
not hold Ashbridge. Philadelphia!!* sav that if 
it should come to a fight, Durham could beat Quay 
in Philadelphia, but it doesn't come to a fight. An- 
other thing Philadelphians say is that he " k < p- 
his word," yet he broke it (with notice) when Quay 
asked him to stand for Pennypacker for Governor. 
As I said before, however, Philadelphia is so con- 
stituted that it apparently cannot have self-gov- 
ernment, not even its own boss, so that the alle- 
giance paid to Quay is comprehensible. But the 
submission of the boss to the mayor was extraor- 
dinary, and it seemed to some sagacious politicians 

For Mr. Ashbridge broke through all the prin- 
ciples of moderate grafting developed by Martin. 
Durham formed his ring taking in James P. Mc- 
Nichol as co- ruler and preferred contractor; John 
M. Mack as promoter and financier ; and he widened 
the inside circle to include more individuals. But 
while he was more liberal toward his leaders, and 
not inclined " to grab off everything for himself," 
as one leader told me, he maintained the principle 

run \DI i mi , i \ i i i) HI 

it nil a* good pn! 

and tfood business. So, too, he ncloj 
programme of public- improvement-,, th. filtr 
vards, .- \\ 

_;ewas wt-ll s. tt!, d in nffirr, those schemes *< rr 

all started, ir.d the mayor pUfthcd them *ith a will. 

rdiiitf to tli. r .di-lphia PUn/* t lie major 
should not I., in tin mi;; I! hould be an ambi- 
tion- il his rv\ ml proiimt ion, not richem. 

If I..- is M .,ut f,,r H'r stuffV I" i- hk. !\ to In- hiir- 

I thought that his t-rm is h 
veara, and HMO he cannot nuccecd himnelf 
a mayor, his intm-st in tin- futuro >f tin- murhinr 
U \en than that of a bo*, who goei on fon 

When he was nominate), Afthbridge had debt* of 

record amounting to some $40,000. Before he was 

liese were atifi<d. Soon after he took 

office IK d. ( lan-d himsrlf to forinrr Postmaster 

I i is I. Hicks. H.n is Mr. Hicka*s account 

of t! nt : 

" At on. of the early interviews I had with tin- 
mayor in his office, he said to me: 'Tom, I have 
been elected mayor of Philadelphia. I have four 
years to serve. I hn irther amhitions. I 

want no other office when I am out of this one, and 
I shall get out of this office all there is in it for 
Samuel H. A*hbridge.' 

I remarked that this was a very foolish thing 


to say. 'Think how that could be construed/ I 


" * I don't care anything about that,' he de- 
Hared. ' I mean to get out of this office everything 
then- is in it for Samuel H. Ashbridge.' ' 

\Yhen lit- n tired from office last April, lie became 
the president of a bank, and was reputed to be rich. 
II' n* is the summary published by the Municipal 
League at the close of his labors : 

" The four years of the Ashbridge administra- 
tion have passed into history, leaving behind them 
a M'ar on the fame and reputation of our city which 
will be a long time healing. Never before, and let. 
us hope never again, will there be such brazen defi- 
ance of public opinion, such flagrant disregard of 
public interest, such abuse of powers and responsi- 
bilities for private ends. These are not generali/a- 
tions, but each statement can be abundantly proved 
by numerous instances." 

These " numerous instances " are notorious in 
Philadelphia ; some of them were reported all over 
the country. One of them was the attempted in- 
timidation of John Wanamaker. Thomas B. 
Wanamaker, John Wanamaker's son, bought the 
North American, a newspaper which had been, 
and still is, exposing the abuses and corruption 
of the political ring. Abraham L. English, Mr. 
Ashbridge's Director of the Department of Public 

mil \m 1 nil \ ( DOT i N'TED 119 

Saftt ,1 mi Mr. John Wmmiimker, n 

IR-CII having him watched, and was finally 
in a. po*r (iemaod tlmt the newspaper stop 

the attacks. The nun hunt .\|MM<| the whole 
tiling, and a committee apj>- .vetigatc 

reported thnt : " Mr. Knglish ha* practically 

admitf.d IK- attempted to intimidate 11 t 

table citizen and unlawfully threatened him in an 

mv criticism of a public news pa 
that from tin- mayor** refusal to ordT an investi- 
gation of the conduct of M I ngliith on the re- 
quest of a town meeting of represent a /.ens, 

.immunity is justified in regarding him as 
uiding and nix-Ming Mr. Knglish in tlu- corrupt 
uittrd, and that the mayor is tht-refore 
t. IMJ equally censured by the comnuin:' 

n -r " instances of brazen abuse of pow- 

\u-n- the increase of protected vice the im- 
portation from New York of th " whit, si 
systi i-o.stitut: growth of "speak- 

easies,** and the spread of gambling and of p<> 

ng until it took in the school childn-n. Thi- 
last the \orth American exposed, but in vain till 

med police officers who had refused when asked 
Thru a judge summoned the editors 
and report, rs of the paper, the mayor, Director 
English, school children, and police officers to ap- 
pear before him. The mayor's personal attorney 


>pokr for the police- during tin- inquiry, and it 
looked black for the newspaper till tin- children lx 
gan to tell their stories. When the hearing was 
<\. r the judge said: 

" The evidence shows conclusively that our pub- 
lic school system in this city is in danger of being 
corrupted at its fountain ; that in one of the schools 
over a hundred and fifty children were buyers of 
policy, as were also a large number of scholar^ in 
other schools. It was first diM-ovrn-d about 
eighteen months ago, and for about one year has 
been in full operation." The police officers were 
not punished, however. 

That corruption had reached the public schools 
and was spreading rapidly through the system, 
was discovered by the exposure and conviction of 
three school directors of the twenty-eighth ward. 
It was known before that teachers and principals, 
like any other office holders, had to have a " pull " 
and pay assessments for election expenses. " Vol- 
untary contributions " was the term used, but over 
the notices in blue pencil was written " 2 per cent.," 
and teachers who asked directors and ward lx 
what to do, were advised that they would " better 
pay." Those that sent less than the amount sug- 
gested, got receipts : " check received ; shall we 
hold for balance or enter on account?" But tin- 
exposure in the twenty-eighth ward brought it 

rim \DI i rm \ .\ i i M i.i) tfl 

' f the children that the teach- 

er* were IHI! ho-,, n >*, hut for |M>! 

reason*, and that th. j...:.t .. ul reasons liad become 


M i; \ Iliydock testified aj follows: 

a I went to tee V . i*, uh< wan a friend of 

iiiin.-, in i - f- r. n. "tf a teacher's certificate. 

He advi*. - nee all of tin- directors, especially 

M' I: I v ti.1,1 me t Mild lie neceft- 

IIM to pay $10 to w\ tin- place. They 

nirl ulio had ntl'i red $50, an<: 
MI had been d. That was before 

hronrhcfl tin -.. <> me. I said 

I didn't h.-ive $120 to pay, and th.-v r- ; 
it was rustninai *o pay $40 a 

month nut of thrir first thiv<- months* salary. The 

salary was $47. 'I told me they dUbHwaatthfl 
nioiu-v for themselves, hut that it wa necessary to 

I i illy I agreed to the 

.-.xitinn, and tli. v told uu- that I must be carc- 

ful not to mention it to anybody or it would in- 

jun- m\ Ml. I HOd ith inv hrntln-r to 

pay the mot lohnsnn. He held out a 

iiid In ii inv l.rothrr handed the money to him 

ok it hehind the h:r 

Tin M of the ring WR.S likr that of 

\ I have space only 
for < of ont phase of it: Widener and 


Klkins, the national franchise himr-, arc Phila- 
delphians, and they \\ere in the old Martin rinj. 
They had combined all the street railways of the. 
fit v before 1900, and they \\eiv \\ ithdni\vin<^ from 
politics, with their traction system. But the Penn- 
sylvania rings will not let corporations that have 
ri>rn in corruption reform and retire, and, besides, 
it was charged that in the Martin-Quay fight, the 
street railways had put up money to beat Quay for 
the United States Senate. At any rate, plans \\ en- 
fold to " mace " the street railways. 

" Macing " is a form of high blackmail. When 
they have sold out all they have, the politicians 
form a competing company and compel the old 
concern to buy out or sell out. While Wid< IK r and 
Klkins were at sea, bound for Europe, in 1901, the 
Philadelphia ring went to the Legislature and had 
introduced there two bills, granting a charter to 
practically all the streets and alleys not covered by 
tracks in Philadelphia, and to run short stretches 
of the old companies' tracks to make connections. 
Clinton Rogers Woodruff, who was an Assembly- 
man, has told the story. Without notice the hills 
were introduced at 3 P. M. on Monday, May 29; 
they were reported from committee in five minutes ; 
by 8.50 p. M. they were printed and on the mem- 
bers' desk, and by 9 P. M. Were passed on first read- 
ing. The bills passed second reading the 

mil. ADI. I. PHI \ (.MI\I I.D ttS 
day, Mt-i and on th. tluni day were 

|>aSft<'d !'r.||| tin- Senate to tin- IliUlM-, * llCFC UlCJ 

"jammed through** with imiUr haste and 
wor> y. In six legislative days the meal 

ures were before Governor Stone, who signed them 

June 7, at midnight, in the presence of (, 

ngressman Foerderer, Mayor Ah- 

hrid^e\ hanker, James P. McNichol, John M. 

and ot! iliNts ami polit irjitim. Under 

iw, one huniln <l rlmrtors were applii for the 

morning thirteen for Philiuli-lpliiii. Thr 

I on June 5 f and tlmt same 

day a s{ m<-< tin^ of tin- Plnl.i.l. Ipliia Select 

' ril \\u c.ill.d for Monday. There th*- 

lens of IMiihulrlphia met th. uncoitiin^ charters, 

hut llu-ir hearing was bri. t The charters went 

:^h without ii hitch, and were sent to Major 

Igf on June 18. 

The mayor's secretary stated authoritatively in 

the morning that the mayor would not sign 

day. Hut IK- did. An unexpected incident forced 

hand. John Wanamaker sent him an offer 

of $2,500,000 for the : cs about to be 

n away. Ashbridge threw the letter into the 

street unread. Mr. Wanamaker had deposited 

$250,000 as a guarantee of good faith and his ac- 

was becoming known. The ordinances were 

signed by midnight, and the city lost at least two 


and OIK' half millions of dollar* : hut tin- ring madr 
it and much more. \Vlim Mr. Wanamaker's K tt r 
was published, Con^iv.ssman Focrduvr, an incor- 
porator of the company, answered for tlu ma< him . 
He said the offer was an advertisement ; that it was 
lit., and that they were sorry they hadn't had a 
chance to "call the bluff." Mr. Wanamaker n 
sponded with a renewal of the off. r of >'>,:>(><),()()() 
to the city, and, he said, " I will add <:>()<),000 as a 
bonus to yourself and your associates personally 
for the conveyance of the grants and corporate 
privileges you now possess." That ended the con- 

But the deal went on. Two more bills, called 
" Trolley Chasers," were put through, to finish off 
the legislation, too hurriedly done to be perfect. 
One was to give the company the right to build 
either elevated or underground, or both; the sec- 
ond to forbid all further such grants without a 
hearing before a board consisting of the Governor, 
the Secretary of the Commonwealth, and the At- 
torney-General. With all these franchises and < \ 
elusive privileges, the new company made the old 
one lease their plant in operation to the company 
which had nothing but " rights," or, in Pennsyl- 
vania slang, a " good, husky mace." 

Ashbridgeism put Philadelphia and the Phila- 
delphia machine to a test which candid ring 

mil.. \nr.i. I'l nvi 

leaden* did not thin! Id tand. \Vh f 

Philadelphia!* do? Notion- They have 

y have men like Prancu B. 

Reeves, who fought with every t might reform 

in. ut from the days of the ( < of One 

davc men like Rudolph liUnken- 

hurtf, who have fought with e\ m> that 

liwci any kind of . an- tin- Munir- 

i|ml League, with an organuatinii hy wardft, the 

M miripal league, tin- Allird Reform 

League, and the Law and Order Soci ' 1 arc 

young men and \.trrans; there are disappo; 

unhitioiis men who are not ad- 
vanced fast enough by the machine. There is die- 
lit in a good many hearts, and some men are 
ashamed. Hut "tin- jH-opK- " won't follow. One 
would think tin- IMiiladrlphianft would follow any 
leader; what should < uhrther he is pure 

white or only gray? Hut they do care. "Tin- 
people 99 seem t<> to be ruled by a known 
than an ambitious reform* r. Tlu-y will make 
<>n\ict their Tweeds, McManeses, But 

Shrpht-rdN, and -\.n th.-n tin \ ni.i\ t'.r^i\. 
and talk of monuments to tin ir pnrious memory, 
but th.-y take (Mi^ht in the defeat of John Wana- 
maker because they suspect that he is a hyporrit. 
and wants to go to the United State* Senate. 
All the stout-heart i icrs had made a 

paign to re-elect Rothermcl, the District Attorney 
who had dared to try Quay. Surely there was an 
official to support ! But no, Quay was against 
him. Tin reformers used money, some $250,000, I 
believe, fighting the devil with fire, but the ma- 
chine used more money, $700,000, from the teach- 
ers, " speak-easies," office holders, hankers, and 
corporations. The machine handled the ballots. 
Rothermel was beaten by John Weaver. There 
have been other campaigns, before and since, 1. <1 
by the Municipal League, which is managed with 
political sense, but each successive defeat was by a 
larger majority for the machine. 

There is no check upon this machine excepting 
the chance of a mistake, the imminent fear of 
treachery, and the remote danger of revolt. To 
meet this last, the machine, as a State organ i/a- 
tion, has set about throttling public criticism. 
Ashbridge found that blackmail was ineffective. 
Durham, Quay, and Governor Pcnnypacker have 
passed a libel law which meant to mu//le 
the press. The Governor was actuated apparently 
only by his sufferings from cartoons and comments 
during his campaign ; the Philadelphia ring has 
boodling plans ahead which exposure might make 
exasperating to the people. The Philadelphia 
Press, the leading Republican organ in the State, 
puts it right : " The Governor wanted it [the law] 

rillLADKU'iiiA (ONTENTED tf7 
be hope of reaping from tin- unescapable car- 
toon. The gang wanted it in hope of munling 
the opposition to job*. The act is du- 

ly designed to gag the pip* in the interest of 
plunderers and against the interest of the 


Disfranchised* without a choice of parties; de- 
nied, so tin- Municipal 1 .< ague declare*, the ancient 
ritf! i ; and now to lose ** free spec< 

is there no hope for Philadelphia? Yes, the Phila- 
delphians have a very present hope. It is in their 
new mayor, John \\ r. There is nothing in his 
record to inspire faith in an outsider. He speaks 
f' two notorious ** ige* of jus- 

" during his term as 1) >rocy;hewas 

ominec of the rin^; and the ring men have 
confid. m, in him. But so have the people, and 
Mr. V makes fair promises. So did Ash- 

There is this difference, however: Mr. 
Weaver has made a good start . Hi- compromised 
with tin- machine on his appoint men U, but he 
declared again>t t)u> protection of vice, for free 
ig, and he stopped some " wholesale grabs" 
or *' mares " that appeared in the Legislature, 
just before he took office. 

One was a hill to rriahlr (rin^) comp.mus to 
44 appropriate, take, and use all water within this 
commonwealth and belonging cither to public or 


to private persons as it may require for its 
private purposes." This was a scheme to srll 
out the wain- \\>rU <>f Philadelphia, and all 
other Mich plants in the State. Another bill \ 
to open the way to a seizure of tlu li^lit ami 
power of the city and of the State. Mail in and 
Warwick "leased" tin city gas works. Durham 
and his croud wanted a whack at it. " It shall 
be lawful," the bill read, "for any city, toun, 
or borough owning any gas works or electric 
light plant for supplying light, heat, and power, 
to sell, lease, or otherwix- <li>}><e of the same to 
individuals or corporations, and in order to ob- 
tain the best possible returns therefor, such mu- 
nicipal body may . . . vest in the lessees or 
purchasers the exclusive right, both as against 
such municipal corporations and against any 
and all other persons and corporations, to supply 
gas or electricity. . . ." As in St. Louis, tin- 
public property of the city is to be sold off. 
These schemes arc to go through later, I am 
told, but on Mr. Weaver's declarations that he 
would not " stand for them," they were laid over. 
It looks as if the Philadelphians were right 
about Mr. Weaver, but what if they are? Think 
of a city putting its whole faith in one man, in 
the hope that John Weaver, an Englishman by 
birth, will give them good government! And 

rim \ni.i mi \ ( n\ i i \ 1 1 i) 

l.v should he do that? Whj should be 

: not th- rinx' Th- ring can 

make or hrviik him ; the people of 1'hil/ul. -Iphia can 

i.-ward nr puinsh him. For cvm if he 

n-ston--, to th. in thrir h.ill.K .11.. I j.t..\- h,n.. If 

a good intivor. In- 1 .umot nuccctd hinaclf ; the good 

U mon- than one term. 

( nil IIAI.I i KI i \\D 

i K.ii n\G ON 

iNc, ON 

October. (1903). 

Win i i articles on municipal corruption were 
appearing, readers of them were writing to the 

asking what they, a* cit 

almiit it all. As if I knew; a* if ** we " knew ; a* if 
>y one way to deal with this prohN m in 
all places und iistances. Th. r. -i^n't. 

ouiid with a ready-made n-fo -m 
tchciiK in tin hark of inv, it would haxe 
'in seeing straight the facts 
I not support mv tlu-orv. Tin- onlv <i!torial 
.schi-mc we hud \s:is to stuHv a tVw choice exampl,-* 

nd tell how the bad wa* 
uplisheil, then s,--k out, here and abroad, some 

^ood governments and - how the 

good wa* done; not how to do it, mind you, hut 
how it had IP Though the bad government 

8 so nianv good 

men apparently want to go to work right off, it 
wa derld< d to pause for an instance on the nt'orm 
I le best I have found. Politi- 

cal grafters have been cheerful enough to tell me 

they have " got lots of pointers " from the cor- 
ruption article^. I trust the n formers \\ill pick 
up some " pointers " from Chicago. 

"i s, Chicago. First in violence, deepest in dirt ; 
loud, lawless, unlovely, ill-smelling, irreverent, new; 
an overgrown gawk of a village, the " tough " 
among cities, a spectacle for the nation; I give 
Chicago no quarter and Chicago asks for none. 
" Good," they cheer, when you find fault ; " give us 
the gaff. We deserve it and it does us good." 
They do deserve it. Lying low beside a great lake 
of pure, cold water, the city has neither enough 
nor good enough water. With the ingenuity and 
will to turn their sewer, the Chicago River, and 
make it run backwards and upwards out of the 
Lake, the city cannot solve the smoke nuisance. 
With resources for a magnificent system of public 
parking, it is too poor to pave and clean the streets. 
They can balance high buildings on rafts floating 
in mud, but they can't quench the stench of the 
stockyards. The enterprise which carried through 
a World's Fair to a world's triumph is satisfied 
with two thousand five hundred policemen for two 
million inhabitants and one hundred and ninety-six 
square miles of territory, a force so insufficient 
(and inefficient) that it cannot protect itself, to say 
nothing of handling mobs, riotous strikers, and the 
rest of that lawlessness which disgraces Chicago. 

CHICAGO n \i I i UEE H6 

I lias an extra-legal system of cott- 

"hicli i* 10 Cffec* 

a* been able to stop any pra 

luii turiird hi* fnce the ** panel 
ganu. ine rooms," "safe^"; though gambling i* limit.. I, regu- 
l fair, and prostitution onlrrlv ; though, 
in slmit, tliniii^li tin- IMIWIT of cvrtain |>ol 
.mil criminal leaden tbe major ha* been alii* to 
make- i riniiiially |x-akiii^ f ** honest ** 

;. I Imlil ups are tolerated. AM 
govcrmiM nt, all tlii- U preposterous. 

But I do not cit> Chicago a an example of 

good municipal govrrnim -nt . of good 

i municipal governmrnt . \ \ ork has, 

tlu mom. nt, a much Ixtt.r adiniiiiNt rat ion. 

Hut in it In r ' igo a good example of bad 

niim-nt. I ' ini; there, hut 

St. Louis it seems petty and at 1 I 1 
most unprofessional. Chicago is interesting for 
thr things it has "fivl." What i, wrong t 

liculous. Politically and morally speaking, 

< igo should be celebrated among American 

mil, nal n form, not moral fits and 

uprisings, not r. form waves that wash 

tli> " I.. ,t i into office to make fools of 

themselves and subside leaving the machine 

iger than \ i . none of these aristocratic 


disappointments of popular ^ovennnent, hut re- 
form that reforms, xl,m, sure, political, democrat ie 
i. t'orm, hy tin* propl. , for the people. That is 
what Chicago has. It has found a way. I don't 
know that it is the way. All that I am sure of is 
that Chicago has something to teach every city 
and town in the country including Chicago. 

For Chicago is reformed only in spots. A 
political map of the city would show a central 
circle of white with a few white dots and dashes 
on a background of black, gray, and yellow. But 
the city once was pretty solid black. Criminally 
it was wide open; commercially it was bra/'-n ; 
socially it was thoughtless and raw ; it was a settle- 
ment of individuals and groups and interests with 
no common city sense and no political conscience. 
Everybody was for himself, none was for Cliicago. 
There were political parties, but the organiza- 
tions were controlled by rings, which in turn wvre 
parts of State rings, which in turn were backed 
and used by leading business interests through 
which this corrupt and corrupting system reached 
with its ramifications far and high and low into 
the social organization. The grafting was mis- 
cellaneous and very general; but the most open 
corruption was that which centered in the City 
Council. It never was well organized and orderly. 
The aldermen had " combines," leaders, and prices, 

CHICAGO: HALJ i i;i i. 

f good-natured hornet thieves, they 
wen- lut of party bosses and " the or^ 

MS," which w.iv lumjr at Uieir own graft. 
Tlu v wi-n- s,i uiil. IIMIM *slik- bwbMM I'M ii 

into t!:. < i .-il to reduce the fc*' 
<>f hlackmail to decent and systematic bribery. 

Tht^r men ll'-lpd matt. IN MIIIH . lint tin Ii:i|t|>\ ^o- 

luckv spirit p. rxistiil until tin- ailvt-nt of < I writ-it 

I ^ ->in Phil. ! Iplii/i, who, with liin lar^t* 

! I*. i:ii>\ !\ .uiia iiirtliofl*.. first uiak' 

boodling a serious husinest. He had to go ri^M 

into , to get anything done. But 

he did get thing* done. The aldermanic comlmu- 

was fast selling out the cit v to its " best citizens" 

!M ii some decent IIHH >|xike up and calle<l upon 

o stop it, the people who alone can 

ncli things. 

licago stopp. .1 it ; they 

have beaten boodling. That is about all tin v 
done so far, hut that is about all they have 
\ and systematically to do, and 
A iv tin v h.ivt- clom- that proves that they can 
do an v tiling they set out to do. They v 
about the n-- , they are not half s 

fied and not half done. But boodling, with its 
:titf of " hijr ,n,. i) " and " hitf intm-st^. 
liardest evil a democracy has to fight, and a 
people who can beat it can beat anything. 


Every comimmit v, city, town, village, State 
thr 1'nited States itself has a certain nimil>.-r <>f 
men ulio an- willing, if it doesn't cost anything, 
l \ote right. They don't want to "hurt their 
hii.Miiess"; they "can't afford tin time to go to 
the primaries"; they don't care to think much. 
But they will vote. This may not be much, hut 
it is enough. All that this independent, non- 
partisan vote wants is leadership, and that is 
what the Chicago reformers furnished. 

They had no such definite idea when they began. 
They had no theory at all nothing but wrath, 
experience, common Chicago sense, and news- 
papers ready to back reform, not for the news, 
but for the common good. Theories they had 
tried; and exposures, celebrated trials, even some 
convictions of boodlers. They had gone in for a 
civil-service reform law, and, by the way, they got 
a good one, probably the best in any city in the 
country. But exposes are good only for one elec- 
tion; court trials may punish individuals, but 
even convictions do not break up a corrupt system ; 
and a "reform law" without reform citizenship 
is like a ship without a crew. With all their 
" reforms," bad government persisted. There 
was that bear garden the City Council; some- 
thing ought to be done to that. Men like William 
Kent, John H. Hamline, W. R. Manierre, A. W. 

( III. \(,M HAM 1 KM. 

M K M.-iiin luui gone in - 

' respectable" wards, and their prea- 

cncc proved that they could get there; their 

speeches were puhlic protests, and their vote*, 

." were plain indicator* of 

wronjj. Hut all thi- wiu not enough. The < 

Fed i respectable hut m ffi . i.t universal 

ining association, nut without plans in 1895. 

It .-.-ill, ! together two hinulr. <l representative 

i I. MM; M- at their head, to a do 

onu-tli Th. tun hundred appointed a < 

mitt find M>n One 

of t: p tin \\ forth a fullv Iniwn plan for 

a new municipal party, the old, old scheme* 

'That won't do," said Edwin Burritt Smith to 

M Gage, who sat beside him. - No, that won't 

do," .igo. But th.y didn't know whnt to 

do. To gain tim< Mi Smith moved a sub-corn- 

mitt. 1 sub-committee reported back to the 

M, th.- fit't.. n to the- two hundr d so, 

-mith said, th. v fuinhl- 

Hut not in- what tlu-y didn't do. Fumhlers as 

i. y diiln't talk of more exposures. 

"I havens, we know en<> ^aid one. They 

didn't go to the Legislature- for a new charter. 

needed one, th. y n.-od one to-day, and badly, 

too, hut the men who didn't know what, but did 

know what not to do, wouldn't let them commit 


tin- folly of asking one corrupt legislature to 
legislate another corrupt legislature out of exist- 
ence. And they didn't wait till tin- next ma\or- 
. alty election to c-lrct a "business mayor" uho 
should give them good government. 

They were bound to accept the situation ju^t 
as it was the laws, the conditions, the political 
circumstances, all exactly as they were and, just 
as a politician would, go into the next fight what- 
ever it was and fight. All they needed was a 
fighter. So it was moved to find a man, one man, 
and let this man find eight other men, who should 
organize the " Municipal Voters' League." Th 
were no instructions; the very name was chosen 
because it meant nothing and might mean any- 

But the man ! That was the problem. There 
were men, a few, but the one man is always hard 
to find. There was William Kent, rich, young, 
afraid of nothing and always ready, but he was 
an alderman, and the wise ones declared that tin- 
Nine must not only be disinterested, but must ap- 
pear so. William Kent wouldn't do. Others 
were suggested ; none that would do. 

" How about George E. Cole? " 

" Just the man," said Mr. Gage, and all knew 
the thought was an inspiration. 

George E. Cole described himself to me as a 

( II! J! Ml I 1(1 1 

" second-class business num. 99 Standing about five 
feet hi^h, In knows he U no taller; hut he knows 
that that is tall enough. Colo U a fighter. 
Nobody discovered it, perhaps, till lu- wa pa>' 

li vear. Then one Martin B. Madden found 
it out. Madden, a prominent . ../. n, president 
of the Western Stone Company, and a man of 

|Hlitii-al pou.-r, u/i^ <m,- ,,f t h. IMJM 

neat men who went into the Council to hring order 
out of the chaos of corruption. He was a Yerkes 
leader. Madden lix.-d in Cole's ward 1 1 house 
was in sight of Cole's house. " The sight of it 
made m<> Imt," Miid I knew what it 

represented." Cole had set out to defeat Madden, 
/mil he made a campaign which .> ! tin- 

attention of the whole to\vn. Madden was re- 
.1. hut Cole had proved himself, and that was 
what made Lyinan J. Gage say that Cole was 

IB.* 1 

\<m nune to me as a Hobson's ( said 

Mi.- (oniinittee, *' as a sort of forlorn 
hope. All ri-l.t ," ! added, " as a last chance. Til 
take it ." 

Cole went out to make up th. Nine. II rhoae 

William II. Colvin, a wralthy husiness man, re- 

:; Kdwin Hurritt Smith, puhlirist and lawyer; 

M J. Carroll, ex-labor leader, ex-typesetter, an 

rial writer on a trade journal ; Frank Wells, 

1 UK SHAME OF THE ( nil S 

a well knoun n-;i! e>tate man; K. U. Donnelly, the 
lirad of one of the greateM printing establish- 
ment* ; M tin- city; and Ilovt King, a young law- 
yer who turned out to be a natural investigator. 
Tlies,- made, with Cole himself, only seven, hut 
la- had tlu- help and COUIIM 1 of Kent, Allen H. Pond, 
the architect, Judge Murrn \ 1'. Tulcy, Francis 
Lackner, and Graham Taylor. " We were ju>t a 
few commonplace, ordinary men," said one of them 
to me, " and there is your encouragement for 
other commonplace, ordinary mm." These men 
were selected for what they could do, however, not 
for what they "represented." The One Hun- 
dred, which the Nine were to complete, was to do 
the representing. But the One Hundred never 
was completed, and the ward committee, a feature 
of the first campaign, was abandoned later on. 
" The boss and the ring " was the model of the 
Nine, only they did not know it. They were not 
thinking of principles and methods. Work was 
their instinct and the fighting has always been 
thick. The next election was to he held in April, 
and by the time they were ready February was 
half over. Since it was to be an election of alder- 
men, they went right out after the aldermen. 
There were sixty-eight in all fifty-seven of them 
" thieves," as the League reported promptly and 
plainly. Of the sixty-eight, the terms of thirty- 

( II, II M.I I Kl 1 

four were e\j md these all were likely to 

come up for re-election. 

I tiling to do was to beat the rascal*. But 
how? Mr. Coli- and hU committee were pioneer* ; 
they had to blaic the way, and, without plans, 
they set about it ilir.vtly. Seeking votes, and 
hoocii votes, with no organization to depend upon, 

hud til lm\r piihlirit \ " \\ I had first to let 

people know we were there,** said Cole, so he 
stepped "out into tin- linn li^ht " ami, with his 
*hort legs apart, Inn weak eyes blinking. In- ta. 
I i xv us out to beat the boodle r* up for 

re-eld* t ion, he said, with much |>irtun-M| 
lish. Now Chicago is willing to have anybody 
do anything worth while in Chicago; no 
r who you arc or where you come from, 
itfo will give you a cheer and a first boost. 
When, t! . George E. Cole stood up and 

said he and a quirt littl.- committee were going to 
beat some politicians at the game of politics, the 
good-natured town said: "All rijjht, ^o ahead 
and beat 'em ; but how? " Cole was ready with hU 
answt i \\Viv tfoing to publish the records of 
the thieves who want to get back at the trough. 9 * 
AldinnaM Kmt and his decent colleagues pro- 
duced the records of their indrtvnt colleagues, and 
the League announced that of the thirty-four 
tig aldermen, twenty-six were rogues. I i 

Kin;* and a staff of briefless young lau vn-x looked 
up ward records, and k * tin -xr aUo \\c will pub- 
lixh," said Cole. And they did; the Chicago ne\\-x- 
papers, long on the right side and \< r n-adv, 
printi-d them, and they were "mighty interesting 
reading." Kdwin Burritt Smith stated the facts; 
Cole added " ginger," and Kent " pepper and salt 
and vinegar." They soon had publicity. Some 
of the committee shrank from the worst of it, hut 
Cole stood out and took it. He became a char- 
acter in the town. He was photographed and 
caricatured; he was " Boss Cole " and " Old King 
Cole," but all was grist to this reform mill. Some 
of the retiring aldermen retired at once. Others 
were retired. If information turned up by Hoyt 
King was too private for publication, the com- 
mittee was, and is to-day, capable of sending for 
the candidate and advising him to get off the 
ticket. This was called "blackmail," and I will 
call it that, if the word will help anybody to ap- 
preciate how hard these reform politicians played 
and play the game. 

While they were talking, however, they were 
working, and their work was done in the wards. 
Each ward was separately studied, the politics of 
each was separately understood, and separately 
each ward was fought. Declaring only for " ag- 
gressive honesty " at first, not competence, they 

i iin 100 n \i i i KI i 

did not stirk iv. I It.) beat 

iM.iN tlmt wen- in, uoccssar) 

r.Mildn't tape to elect an honest man, they helped 
a lik Iv rnnrul to beat the raical that was in and 
known. They drew up a pledge of loyalty to 
public interest, hut th. \ didn't insist on it in some 
CMtti. 1 the politicians, they were oppor- 
tunist N. l.ik. th- politicians, too, they were non- 
siuih. They played off one party against 
anutliri. nr, if tin- tu> organization* hung to- 
^' tl . put up an independent. They broke 

many a flu ri-li. .1 r.-fonn prinriplr, hut f.-w 

.t-iil polit Thug, while they had tome 

of tin ir own sort of men, they did not 
atti-inpt. th.\ did not think of running M Ktpect- 
ahlr " or " husinrss " candidate* as iuch. Neitlu-r 
th.-v afraid to dick.-r uith ward leaden and 
nipt politicians." . w.-nt down into tin- 

ward, urged th. minority organization lead- 
name a M good man," on promise of ind. p< nd.-nt 

support, thin cainptiigned against the majority 
iioininiv with <-irculars, house-to-house canvassers, 
mass-meetings, bands, speakers, and parades. I 

should say that tin- hasir unstated principle of 

nn inov. in.nt, struck out < the 

iraj to l.-t the iM)liticians rule, 

hut through better and h u whom the Nine 

forced upon them with puhlic opinion. But again 


I uant to cmphasi/r tin- fad that they had no fine- 
spun theories and no definite principles beyond 
that of bring always for tin- best available man. 
They were with tin- Democrats in one ward, with 
the Hi-publicans in another, but in none were tiny 
res prefers of persons. 

Right here appeared that insidious influenc.- 
which we have seen defeating or opposing reform 
in other cities the interference of iv^p.-etahle 
men to save their friends. In the Twenty -si cond 
Ward the Democrats nominated a director ( m>w 
deceased) of the First National Bank and a promi- 
nent man socially and financially. John Col v in, 
one of the " Big Four," a politician who had 
gone away rich to Europe and was returning to go 
back into politics, also was running. The League 
preferred John Maynard Harlan, a son of Jus- 
tice Harlan, and they elected him. The bank of 
which the respectable Democratic candidate was 
a director was the bank of which Lyman J. Gage, 
of the League, was president. All that the 
League had against this man was that he was tin 
proprietor of a house leased for questionable pur- 
poses, and his friends, including Mr. Gage, were 
highly indignant. Mr. Gage pleaded and pro- 
tested. The committee was " sick of pulls " and 
they made short work of this most " respectable " 
pull. They had " turned down " politicians on 

( IN. vdo ii \i i i itr.i: 

no I) . ami tl>. itl thejr were not 

X to overlook in tin- friend of thc-ir friends 

y ^MMJag^fd in tome poor devil who had 

There were many such cases, then and lit* 

tiling IIAJI never ceased ami it never 

w ill c. a-- i iiiiiht always ** go too far," if it 

is to go at all. for it is up then- in tin- " ton 

corruption has iU Mxiree. I I 

rlv, and "sj>ottintf it," a* Mr. Col.- 
said, not only diftcouragr<l Mich . hut 

fixed its own ul won public confidence. 

\ tliin^ in those days was open. The 
League works mon ipii. tl\ now, hut tin n Cole was 
talking it all out, plain to the verge of bnitalitv, 

til*- to tin- limit of language, and honest to 
uttrr nitlilrssness. Hr hlundi-ml ami they all 
made mistakes, hut their hhuuK -rin^ ( >ril 
tluin, for whili- tin- rrrors were | ror>, tin- 

u88 of mind that rejected an Edward M 

A.xxl, t'.-i- \ a in pic, was plain too. Stanwood, 
a respeetable husiness man, had served as alderman, 
hut his r c K( tion was advised against by tin- 
League been i : t,d with tlu- ^ 
A high public official, thnr judges, and se\ 
oth.-r promiiu-iit MM M iiitrrccded on the ground 
i v instancr where he is charged with 
ig voted for a so-called boodle ordinance, it 

was not done corruptly, but thai In- mi^ht secure 
\oles for some meritorious measure." Tin- League 
answered in this style: "We regard Ihis di -fin-. , 
which is put forward with confidence by men of 
your standing, as painful evidence of tin low 
standard by which the public conduct of city 
officials has come to be measured by ^,>od citi/ens. 
Do you not know that this is one of the most in 
sidious and common forms of legislative corrup- 
tion?" Mr. Stanwood was defeated. 

The League " made good." Of the twenty 
outgoing aldermen with bad record-, sixteen were 
not renominated. Of the ten who were, four were 
beaten at the polls. The League's recommenda- 
tions were followed in twenty -five wards; they Wttt 
disregarded in five; in some wards no fight was 

A victory so extraordinary would have satisfied 
some reformers. Others would have been inflated 
by it and ruined. These men became canny. 
They chose this propitious moment to get rid of 
the committee of One Hundred respectables. 
Such a body is all very well to launch a reform, 
when no one knows that it is going to do serious 
work; but, as the Cole committee had learned, 
representative men with many interests can be 
reached. The little committee incorporated the 
League, then called together the big committee, 

( UK A(i(): II \i.l 1 KM. 

congratulated it, and proposed a comtir. 

by-laws which won 1.1 throw all h work and all 

jKjwcr to the little committee. The little- 

committee was to call on the big commit trr only 

a* money or tome " really important " help was 

needed. The big committee approved, swelled up, 

.1, and that is the last timr it 1ms ever 

'1 1ms free of " pulk" gentlemanly pulls, but 
pull* just the Minir, tin- nine" became nine by 
adding two- A IN-n H. Pond and Francis La< 
and prepared for th- n \t campaign. Their 
aldrrmcn, the u reform crowd,'* in tin City Coun- 
too few to do anything alonr, but they 
could protest, and they did. They adopted the 
system of William Kmt. which WILH to find out 
what was going on and t 11 it in Council meetings. 

" It \ou go on giving away the people's fi 

k" Aldrnnan Marian would say, 

i may wake up some morning to find street 

lamps are useful for other purposes than 1 

ing the streets." Or, "Some night thr citizen*, 

who arc watching you, may come down here from 

the galleries with pieces of hemp in thrir hands." 

. he would picture an imagined scene of the 

galleries rising and coming down upon the floor. 

Mr made his descriptions so vivid and creepy that 

they made some aldermen fidgrt - I don't like dis 

business all about street lamps and hemp vot dot 
is?" said a German boodler one night. "We 
don't come here for no such a business.* 

" We meant only to make head lines for the 
papers," said one of the reform aldermen. " If 
we could keep the attention of the public upon the 
Council we could make clear what was going on 
t lu-re, and that would put meaning into our next 
campaign. And we certainly did fill the gal- 
leries and the newspapers." 

As a matter of fact, however, they did much 
more. They developed in that year the NMH- 
which has dominated Chicago local politics e?Cf 
since the proper compensation to the city for 
} public franchises. These valuable rights should 
not be given away, they declared, and they re- 
peated it for good measures as well as bad. Not 
only must the city be paid, but public convenience 
and interest must be safeguarded. The boodlers 
boodled and the franchises went off; the protesta- 
tion hurried the rotten business; but even that 
haste helped the cause. For the sight, week after 
week, of the boodle raids by rapacious capital 
fixed public opinion, and if the cry raised then for 
municipal ownership ever becomes a fact in Chi- 
cago, capital can go back to those days and blame 

Most of the early Chicago street railway fran- 

( UK \(,<. ii A i i i ur.i: 

chiscs w irelcssly, to twenty-five years 

fii >t .MI. in 1858. In 1883, when the ear- 
liest f nine-hint* might have been terminated, the 
Council M titured to pass only a blanket extension 
for twenty years till .July SO, 1908. This was 
w-ll enough for Chicago financiers, hut in 1886- 
87, ^ frflm appeared, with VVidener and 
Klkins behind liim, and !><>ught up the West and 
-ulc companies, he app! nsylvania 

mrthod-.. He pushed hills through the Legis- 
lature, saw them vetoed by Governor Altg.ld, set 
about having |,j s own Governor n \t tinir, find in 
1897 got, not all that IK- wuntrd (for the people 
of Illinois are not like tin p< <>pl- of Pennsyl- 
vania), hut thr Allen hill, which would do if the 
i i .TO City Council of 1S<)7 would give it force. 
The Municipal Voters' League had begun iU 
second campaign in December, 1896, with the pub- 
n of the records of tin retiring aldermen, the 
second half of the old body, and, though this was 
before the Allen bill was passed, Yerkes was 
e, and his men were particularized. As the 
campaign progressed tin -ringfield 

gave it point and local developments gave it 
breadth. It was a mayoralty year, and Alder- 
man John M Htrlnn had himself nomi- 
nated on an i IK it pendent, non-partisan ticket. 
"Bobbie" Burkr, the Demo o*s, brought 


forward Carter H. Harrison, and the Kepu 
nominated Judge Nathaniel C. Scars. Harrison 
at that time was known only as the son of his 
father. Scars was a fine man ; but neither of tin >o 
had seized the street railway issue. Mr. Harl.m 
stood on that, and he made a campaign which is 
talk rd about to this day in Chicago. It was bril- 
liant. He had had the car of the town through 
tin newspaper reports of his tirades in the Coun- 
cil, and the people went to hear him now as night 
after night he arraigned, not the bribed legislators, 
but the rich bribers. Once he called the roll of 
street railway directors and asked each what he 
was doing while his business was being boodled 
through the State Legislature. Earnest, elo- 
quent, honest, he was witty too. Yerkes called 
him an ass. " If Yerkes will consult his Bible," 
said Harlan, " he will learn that great things have 
been done with the jaw-bone of an ass." This 
young man had no organization (the League con- 
fined itself to the aldermen ) ; it was a speaking 
campaign; but he caught the spirit of Chicago, 
and in the last week men say you could feel the 
drift of sentiment to him. Though he was de- 
feated, he got 70,000 votes, 10,000 more than the 
regular Republican candidate, and elected Har- 
rison. And his campaign not only phrased the 
traction issue in men's minds; it is said to have 

( UK \t,u 1! \| I I lil I 

taught young Major Harrison the me of it At 

ariv i it,, it i^on and Chicago have been aafe 
on the city'a 

The League also won on it. They gave bad 
recorcln to twenty-seven of the thirty four out- 
going aldem I if teen were not rcnominafted. 
who ran again, nm. were beaten. 
This victory gave them a solid third of the Coun- 
cil. Tl;. i. t'-'i: i . -rowel combined with Mayor 
ison, tlu- I'n-sidi Mt of the Council, and his 
followers, and defeated ordinances introduced to 
give eff rkes's odious Allen law. 

1 1* re again the League might have retired in 

glory, but these " commonplace, ordinary men " 

proposed instead that they go ahead and get a 

majority, organi/i- tin- Council on a non-partisan 

basis, and pass from a n< . anti-boodling 

policy to one of positive, coi i^islation. 

meant also to advance from " beating bad 

>n of good men," and as for 

the good HMD, the standard was to be raised from 

mere homtv to honesty and emV . With 

Midi hi^h purposes in virw, tin- Niru- ui-ut into 

tliir.l r.-uiip.-ii^u. Th-v had to condemn 

Him tlu-y had recommendi-d in tln-ir first M ar, hut 

44 we arc always ready to eat dirt," t!..\ say. 

point, el to tin- ! -ailed for inni 

capable of coping with the railways, ami with 


bands playing, orators shouting, and Cole roar- 
ing like a sca-captaiu, they made tin- campaign <>f 
1898 the hottest in their history. It nearly killed 
some of them, but they " won out " ; tlic League 
had a nominal majority of the City Council. 

Thru came thn'r fir>t bitter disappointment. 
They failed to organize the aldermen. They t ri< d, 
and were on the verge of success, when <l 
came, a most significant defeat. The League had 
brought into political life some new men, shop- 
keepers and small business men, all with perfVrt 
records, or none. They were men who meant. 
well, but business is no training for politics; the 
shop-keepers who knew how to resist the tempta- 
tions of trade were untried in those of politics, 
and the boodle gang " bowled them over like little 
tin soldiers." They were persuaded that it was 
no more than right to "let the dominant party 
make up committees and run the Council " ; that 
was "usage," and, what with bribery, ophistry, 
and flattery, the League was beaten by iN 
friends. The real crisis in the League had oome, 

Mr. Cole resigned. He took the view that the 
League work was done; it could do no more: his 
health was suffering and his business was going 
to the dogs. The big corporations, the railroad-, 
great business houses and their friends, had taken 
their business away from him. But this boycott 


; M-^un in tl.r firt campaign and Cole had met 
it iritfa tl, dtfhinitio,, tlmt he didn't "care a 
d n." " I have a wife and a boy/* he said. 
" I want tlu-ir n-jHt-t. The rest can all go to 
h 1." Cole ha organiied since a league to 

in tin- I., -i^l.ittm , hut after the 1898 cam- 
paign the Niiu- w 'ed, (iiiii Cole 
was temporarily used up 

Thr NIL, hail to let Cole nill ,\t King go. 

Hut th.-y wouldn't l.-t tl.. I H go. Tlu v I....I 

no successor for Cole. None on the comn 

would take his place; they all d. Im.-d it in turn. 

They looked outside for a man, finding nobody. 

I prospect was dark. Then William Kent 

poke up. Kent had time and money, hut he 

wouldn't do anything anyone else could be per- 

d.. He was not strong physically, and 

s had warned him that to li\e he must 

uork, littlr and play much. At that moment he 

was under orders to go West and shoot. Hut when 

he saw what was happening, he said: 

I'm not tin man for this joh ; I'm no organ- 
izer. I can smash more things in a minute than 
: -i huild up in a hundred years. But the 
League has got to go on, so I'll take Cole's place 
Til ^i\i me a hard-working, able man for 
secretary, an organizer and a master of detail." 
i-h a secretary was hard to find, but Allen H. 

256 Tin-: si i AMI: OF THE CITIES 

Pond, tlu- arc-hit. rt, a man madr for fine work, 
took this rough-mid tumble task. Ami these two 
with tin- committee strengthened ami active, not 
only held their own, they not only met the raced 
ing wave of reactionary sentiment against reform, 
but they made progress. In 1899 they won a 
char majority of the Council, pledged their men 
before election to a non-partisan nr^ani/ation of 
the Council, and were in shape for constructive 
legislation. In 1900 they increased their ma- 
jority, but they did not think it necestarj to hind 
candidates before the election to the non-partisan- 
committees plan, and the Republicans organ i/ed 
the house. This party maintained the standard 
of the committees; there was no falling off there, 
but that was not the point. Parties were recog- 
nized in the Council, and the League had hoped 
for only one line of demarcation: special inf 
versus the interests of the city. During the time 
of Kent and Pond, however, the power for good 
the League was established, the question of its 
permanency settled, and the use of able, OOO- 
scientious aldermen recognized. The public opin- 
ion it developed and pointed held the Council so 
steady that, with Mayor Harrison and his personal 
following among the Democrats on that side, the 
aldermen refused to do anything for the street 
railway companies until the Allen bill was repealed. 

( mi U30 II U.I l lii I t57 

A M.I, all ready to pan Anything at Springfk-ld, 

<* had to permit the repeal, and he toon 
doted up his business in Chicago and went away 
I .11, where he i* laid to lx* happy ami pros- 

Th. f-r-t time I went to Chicago, to Me what 
corruption they had, I found there was 
something tin- matter with the jiolitirul iimrhinery. 
waji the normal plan of government for a 
. rings with bouse*, and grafting Imsincw 
.ind. 1'h.Iadelphia, rituhurg, St. 
! \ arc all governed on such a plan. But in 
1 i go it didn't work. " Business " was at a 
Uhll and imsinett was suffering. What was 
tin- mattrrr I beleagurr<<l tlu political Iraden 
with questions: "Why dio'n't the pnlitirians con- 
trol? What was wrong with the machines?** 
'' boss " defended the organizations, blaming 
tli. people. "But the people could be fooled by 

capable politician," I drnmmd. The boss 

..-d the n-f>rini-rs. rs! w I ex- 

I ii some of your reformers. 

v aren't different from reformers elsewhere, 

they?" "N said, well pleased. But 

I conrluded that it must then be the weakness 

of the Chicago bosses, his pride cried out. ** Say,** 

he said, " have you seen that blankety -blank 


I hadn't, I said. " Well, you want to," lu >aid. 
and I unit straightway and saw Fisher Mr, 
Walter L. 1 i-lnr, secretary of tlu Municipal 
Voters' League. Then it was that I began to 
understand the Chicago political situation. l-'MuT 
was a reformer: an able young lawyer of inde- 
pendent mcan>, a mind ripe with hirh 
and ideals, self-confident, high-mindrd, 
He showed me an orderly bureau of ind -\< (! infor- 
mation, such as I had seen before. He out lime! 
the scheme of the Municipal Voters' League, all in 
a bored, polite, familiar way. There was no light 
in him nor anything new or vital in his reform as 
he described it. It was all incomprehensible till I 
asked him how he carried the Seventeenth Ward, a 
mixed and normally Democratic ward, in one year 
for a Republican by some 1300 plurality, the next 
year for a Democrat by some 1800, the third for 
a Republican again. His face lighted up, a keen, 
>liifwd look came into his eyes, and he said: " I 
did not carry that ward; its own people did it, but 
I'll tell you how it was managed." And he told 
me a story that was politics. I asked about an- 
other ward, and he told me the story of that. It 
was entirely different, but it, too, was politics. 
Fisher is a politician with the education, asso- 
ciations, and the idealism of the reformers who fail, 
this man has cunning, courage, tact, and, rarer 

( Hit UX) H Ml I 111 I 
.still, ruth in tin- p In short, refonn in 

< igo has such a fouler as < >n alone 
usually has; a first-class executive mind ami a 
natural manager of men. 

\N , after the aldermanic campaign of 1900, 
Messrs. Kent and Pond resigned as president and 
the League's executive comin 

< les R. Crane and Mr. Fisher succeeded in their 
4. Mr. Crane is a man with an international 

business, which taken him oft. n to Russia, but he 
cornea back for the Chicago aldermanic campaigns. 

ivi the game to Mr. Fisher, and says Fisher 
is the man, but Crane is a backer of great force 

f persistent though quiet activity. These 

two, with a picked committee of experienced and 

!' :ul, K. nt. Smith, Frank H. Scott, 

im Taylor, Siguuind Zcisler, and Leasing 
Rosen thai took the League as an established in 
stitution, p> its system, opened a head- 

quarters for work the year around; and this force, 
political genius, has made a 

r of the first rank in practical politics. 
1 r mack- fights in the " hopeless " wards, and 
won tin in. Id has raised the refonn majority in 
the ( mil to two-thirds; he has lifted the 

standard of aldermen from honesty to a gradually 
rising scale of ability, and in his first year the 
Council was organized on a non-partisan basis. 


Tin's f rat urc of municipal n-form is , -stahli.shed 
now, by tin- satisfaction of tin- aldermen them- 
selves with the way it works. And a most impor- 
tant feature it is, too. " UY have four shots at 
very man headed for the Council," said one of 
the League "om- with his record when his t mi 
expires; anotlx r wlu-n hi- is up for the nomina- 
tion; a third when he is running as a candidate; 
the fourth when the committees are formed. I f he 
is bad he is put on a minority in a strong com- 
mittee; if he is doubtful, with a weak or doubtful 
majority on an important committee with a strong 
minority a minority so strong that they can let 
him show his hand, then beat him with a minority 
report." Careful not to interfere in legislation, 
the League keeps a watch on every move in the 
Council. Cole started this. He used to sit in 
the gallery every meeting night, but under Crane 
and Fisher, an assistant secretary first Henry 
B. Chamberlain, now George C. Sikes has fol- 
lowed the daily routine of committee work as well 
as the final meetings. 

Fisher has carried the early practice of meet- 
ing politicians on their own ground to a very 
practical extreme. When tact and good humor 
failed, he applied force. Thus, when he set about 
preparing a year ahead for his fights in unpromis- 
ing wards, he sent to the ward leaders on both 

( III UM II \l I I K! I 
tide* for their I iptain-, lieutenants, and 

heelers. They refiiM-d, with expressions of aston- 
Mum-tit at I, Mr. Chamberlain directed 

a inodt searching iimittigatjo wards, pre- 

', hi.*.! by block, and not only 
(i ridi fund <>f infoniuition. but wo 
fri^htrn, d t| M - |H>liti< I.IIIH who heard of the in- 
quiries that many of them came around and gave 
up tlu-ir lists. Whrthrr HH-M- lu-l|M-d or not, how- 
wards werr stii<li<i, ami it was by such 
information and umk-riiiinin^ |>olitiral work, com- 
li skill and a frjirleim appeal to tlie people 

of thr wnr.1, that I 1,,-at ..lit nith HiiU-rt \V. 

l*utl-r tin- notorious II . NViilf!*, ;in \ State 
Treasurer, in the ward convention of WulfTs own 
party, and thru defeated WultK, who ran as an 
independent, at the polls. 

El .fh i \| u nee won the respect of the poli- 
is wdl as their fear, and in 1902 and 
1903 the worst of thrm, .r the best, came person- 
ally t . I r to see what they could do. He was 
equal in " thr game of talk," tin y found, 
and thrir superior in tactics, for ^ ould not 

persuade thrm to put up good men and "play 
measured himself with them in strategy. 
Thin one day "Hilly** Loefficr, the Democratic 
leader in the Democratic Ninth Ward, asked Mr. 
Fisher if the League did not want to name the 


Democratic candidate for alderman in his ward. 
Loeffler's business partner, " Hot Stove" Brenner, 
was running on the Republican ticket and Fisher 
knew that the Democratic organization would pull 
for Brenner. But Fisher accepted what was a 
challenge to political play and suggested Michael 
.1. IVril). Lot-filer \\ I at the name: it was 

new to him, but he accepted the man and nomi- 
nated him. The Ninth is a strong Hebrew ward. 
To draw off the Republican and Jewish vote from 
Brenner, Fisher procured the nomination as an 
independent of Jacob Diamond, a popular young 
Hebrew, and he backed him too, intending, as he 
told both Preib and Diamond, to prefer in the end 
the one that should develop the greater strength. 
Meanwhile the League watched Loeffler. He was 
quietly throwing his support from Preib to Bren- 
ner. Five days before election it was clear that, 
though Diamond had developed unexpected 
.strength, Preib was stronger. Fisher went to 
Loeffler and accused him of not doing all he could 
for Preib. Loeffler declared he was. Fisher pro- 
posed a letter from Loeffler to his personal friends 
asking them to vote for Preib. Loeffler hesitated, 
but he signed one that Fisher dictated. Loeffler 
advised the publication of the statement in the 
Jewish papers, and, though he consented to have 
it mailed to voters, he thought it " an unneces- 

< IM< 100 HAU i m i 

sary c M x-nv I ^ot back to the 

League hca<)< , he nuhcd off copies of tin* 

through tlu- ntftiU to all the voter* in the 

warti. It une Lodfcr heard of thi-. it wai 

!> anything; In- tried, lmt he never 
lit up with thotr litt.rv His partner, I: 
, was defeated. 

A jMilitiriaiir A !M>NS 1^0 has in Wal- 
I islur a reform IKMM, and in the Nine of 
' holers' League, with tlu-ir assort- 

ntnl c<iitom and nhlc finance and advisory com- 
mit toes, a refunn rin^. They have no roach im , 
no patronage, no power that they can abuse. 
even a IM of tl n, All they 

have is the confidence of the anonymous honest 
men of Chicago who care more for Chicago than 
for anything rNr. Thi- th-y have won by a long 
record of good judgments, honest, obvious devo- 
;xxl t and a disinterestedness 

uhich has a\nil. l -\vn indiyidu '; not a 

huiulrtd UK ii in the city could name the Comn 


\\ orking wide open at first, when it was neces- 
sary, tin v have withdrawn more and more ever 

. and tlu ir policy now is one of dignified si' 
except when a plain statement of facts is rcqu 
th. n they speak as the League, simply, din 
but with human feeling, and leave their following 


of voters to act with or a^aiu-t them as they 
plcasc. I have laid great stress on tin- technical, 
political skill of Fisher and the Nine, not because 
that is their chief reliance; it isn't: the study 
the enlightenment of public opinion is their 
function and force. But other reform organ i/a 
tions have tried this way. These refoniK i - have, 
with the newspapers and the aldermen, not only 
done it thoroughly and p i ^stently ; they have not 
only developed an educated citi/cnship; they have 
made it an effective force, effective in legislation 
and in practical politics. In short: political re- 
form, politically conducted, has produced reform 
politicians working for the reform of the city with 
the methods of politics. They do everything that 
a politician does, except buy votes and sell them. 
They play politics in the interest of the city. 

And what has the city got out of it? Many 
things, but at least one great spectacle to show 
the world, the political spectacle of the year, and 
it is still going on. The properly accredited 
representatives of two American city railway 
companies are meeting in the open with a regular 
committee of an American board of aldermen, and 
they are negotiating for the continuance of < < r 
tain street railway franchises on terms fair both 
to the city and to the corporations, without a whis- 
per of bribery, with composure, reasonableness, 

( mi \(,< HALF FREE 
knowledge (on the aldermen's part, long-t 

and almost expert knowledge); with 
an eye to the future, the rail- 

ways, and the convenience of the people of th. 

in an American city in Chicago ! 
Those franchises which Y.-rk. 

red on July SO. There was a dispute about 

that, ami t h- railways were prepared to fi^ht. 

One is a Chicago corporation held by Chicago 

capital, and the men in it knew th.- condit 

The other belongs to New York and Philadelphia 

capitalists, whom Ycrkes got to hold it when he 

gave up and went away; they couldn't understand. 

1 ;n " capital sent picked men out to 

( "fi^ht." One of the items said to 

have been put in their hill of appropriation was 

use in Chicago $1,000,000." Their local 

officers and directors and friends warned them to 


Do you mean to tell us," said the Easter r 
44 that we can't do in Chicago what we have done 
in Philadelphia. \. w York, and 

44 That's exactly what we mean," was the anv 

Incredulous, they did do some such " work " 

They had the broken rings with them, and the 

44 busted bosses," and they had the city on the hip 

in one particular. Though the franchises expired, 

had no authority in law to take over 

THE si i. \ MI: or TIIK CITIES 

th railways and had to get it from Springfield. 
Tlu- Republican ring, with some Democratic- fol- 
lowing, had organi/rcl the Legislature on ;u 
plicit arrangement that "no traction legislation 
should pass in 1903." The railway*; knew they 
couldn't get any; all they asked was that the city 
shouldn't hayc any either. It was a political 
game, but Chicago was sure that two could play 
at it. Harrison was up for re-election ; he was 
right on traction. The Republicans nominated a 
business man, (Jraeme Stewart, who also p|, - 
himself. Then they all went to Springfield, and, 
with the whole city and State looking on, the city's 
reform politicians beat the regulars. The city's 
bill was buried in committee, but to make a show- 
ing for Stewart the Republican ring had to pass 
some sort of a bill. They offered a poor substi- 
tute. With the city against it, the Speaker 
" gaveled it through " amid a scene of the wildest. 
excitement. He passed the bill, but he was driven 
from his chair, and the scandal compelled him and 
the ring to reconsider that bill and pass the city's 
own enabling act. 

Both the traction companies had been interested 
in this Springfield fiasco; they had been working 
together, but the local capitalists did not like the 
business. They soon offered to settle separately, 
and went into session with the city's lawyers, 

( in. U30 I! \i i i KI i 

i: ! 

Mai II 

illi mi " .rk lawyer, Itad to ncgo- 

i r hrilli.uit lawytr undertook to 

k sense " into tl>. , committee. 

I ntittcc had been out visiting nil tin- large 

Eastern eiti.s, studying tl n situations 

<>ii tli. ir own account they had had 

drawn for them one of the most complete report* 

le for il city hy an \; 

kn- -w the law and the finances of the tnt< 

11 the New York lawyer*. 

\\ tin hrii: I h-ht had made 

f Ins Miinnth, i-lahoratc speeches, some hard- 
headed aid. -1111.111 would ^. t up and say that h. 
**gntlirrrl and ; " thus and >o from tin- 

last sprakrr; In- wasn't |iiit- siin-, hut if thu- 
so \\.-ix uhat tin- ^' ntl. mail from \\\ \',rk 
tlnii it looki-d to him like toimn\ 
i\v\.i \\ould spin anotlu-r wl>. only to have 
some oth. r (oiniiioiiplace-looking alderman tear 
it t. pieces. Those lawyers were dum founded. 
>ed to see Fish- They saw 

m \ '" ti n N^ I.-oine, if you wish," he is said t> 

have said, " to talk foolishness, but I advise 

it. I d not speak for the Coun- 

t-il. hut I think I know what it will say when it 


for itself. Thoxr aldermen know their 
laziness. They know sense and they know non- 
sense. They can't be fooled. If you go at tin in 
with reason they will go a long way toward helping 
you. However, you shall do as you plea-M- ah<>nt 
this. But let me burn this one thing in upon your 
consciousness: Don't try money on them or any- 
body else. They will listen to your DonfttkM with 
patience, but if we hear of you trying to bribe any- 
body an alderman or a politician or a newspaper 
or a reporter all negotiations will cease instantly. 
And nobody will attempt to blackmail you, no 

This seems to me to be the highest peak of re- 
form. Here is a gentleman, speaking with the au- 
thority of absolute faith and knowledge, assuring 
the representatives of a corporation that it can 
have all that is due it from a body of aldermen by 
the expenditure of nothing more than reason. I 
have heard many a business man say such a con- 
dition of things would be hailed by his kind with 
rejoicing. How do they like it in Chicago? They 
don't like it at all. I spent one whole forenoon 
calling on the presidents of banks, great business 
men, and financiers interested in public utility com- 
panies. With all the evidence I had had in other 
places that these men are the chief sources of cor- 
ruption, I was unprepared for the sensation of 

( UK \(,( I! \l I I Kl I 
(lay. Thofte financial leaders of Chicago were 
"mad." All hut out 

talked that tlu v rould not beliave decently. 
They roue up, purpl. in the face, and cursed re- 
fonn. They said it had hurt buincss; it had hurt 
r,"tbty< " aocialuw." 

They named corporation* il/it I. -ft tin- 
named other* that liad planned to come there 
ami I- i.l gone elsewhere. They offered me fart* 
and figures to prove that tin , ,ty was dam- 
u^i d. 

"Hut isn't the reform council honest? " I 

I lonest ! Yes, but oh, h 1 
44 And do you realize that all you say means that 
you regret the passing of Ixxxll. and would prefer 
to have back the old corrupt Cmim -ilr " 

it brought a curse, or a shrewd Mnili, or a 
,d lau^li, hut th.-v r.-^r. -ttrd the passing 
of the boodle rrjjiim- is the fart, hittrr, astonishing, 
but n.ittmil enough. We have seen those 1' 
ests at thrir hrihrrv iu IMiiludi Iphia and St. Louis; 
we liave seen them opposing n forms in every 

< igo we have them cursing reform tri- 
um|)' , though r. form may have been a ben- 

fit t ty as a community of freemen, it is 

really bad; it has hurt tlu ir Im-incss! 

Chicago has paid dearly for its reform, and re- 

formers cU \\ln-n- might as well nali/e that if they 
l v will pay, too, at first. Capital 
will box cot t it and capital will ;ixe it a had name. 
Thr hankers who offered me proof of tin ir bMMI 
\M IT offering m,. matrrial to \\rite down the citv. 
And has Chicago had conspicuous credit for re 
form? No, it is in ill repute, "anarchistic," "so- 
cialistic" (a commercial term for municipal own 
cr-hip); it is " unfru ndl v to capital." Hut Chi- 
cago knows what it is after and it knows the cost. 
There are business men there who are willing to 
pay ; they told me so. There arc business men on 
tin- executive and finance committees of the League 
and others helping outside who are among the 
leaders of Chicago's business and its bar. More- 
over, there are promoters who expect to like an 
honest Council. One such told me that he meant 
to apply for franchises shortly, and he believed 
that, though it would take longer than bribery to 
negotiate fair terms with aldermen who were keen 
to safeguard the city's interests, yet business could 
be done on that basis. " Those reform aldermen 
are slow, but they are fair," he said. 

The aldermen are fair. Exasperated as they 
have been by the trifling, the trickery, and past 
boodling of the street railways, inconvenienced by 
bad service, beset by corporation temptations, they 
are fairer to-day than the corporations. They have 

( MI. v(io i! \i I i m i rn 

the street railways now in a corner. The negotia- 

. and they could squeeze them with a 

vengeance. What is the |>int of those aldermen? 

\\ - II." wtid one to ., - Til t. II you how we feel. 

e Kt f " ' -t tll( terests well protected. 

Thut But we've got mor 

I ; thi-M- s don't know how 

to handlr us. They are not .p to the new, n form, 

on tin- level way of lining huftincu. We've g- 

show capital that we will give them all that is com- 

in^ t t! i ju^t a little more a little more, 

ju-t 'hem used to U-ing honest." ThU was 

\\ itliout a Lit of humor, with *ome anxiety but 

no bitterness, and not a word about socialism or 

tisratin^ municipal ownership": that's a 

44 raj " hugaboo. Again, one Saturday 

m-lit a personal friend of mine who had lost a 

holiday at a conference with some of the lead- 

D, romp! ' precisones*." 

h. s ai.l, M they had to have i-\.-r\ trivial 

tin- city protected, then, when we 

seemed to be done, they turned around and argued 

t ion lawyers for the protection of the 


Those Chicago aldermen are an honor to the 

' Mm like Jackson and Mavor, Herrmann 

and \V, rn,., would be a credit to any legislative 

body in the land, hut a no such body in the 


land where they could do more good or win more 
honor. I believe capital will some day prefer to do 
business with them than with blackmailers and 
boodlers anywhere. 

When that day comes the aldermen will share 
the credit with the Municipal Voters' League, but 
all the character and all the ability of both Council 
and League will not explain the reform of Chicago. 
The citizens of that city will take most of the glory. 
They will have done it, as they have done it so 

Some of my critics have declared they could not 
believe there was so much difference in the char- 
acter of communities as I have described. How can 
they account, then, for Chicago? The people there 
have political parties, they are partisans. But 
they know how to vote. Before the League was 
started, the records show them shifting their vote 
to the confusion of well-laid political plans. So 
they have always had bosses, and they have them 
now, but these bosses admit that they " can't boss 
Chicago." I think this is partly their fault. Wil 
liam Lorimer, the dominant Republican boss, with 
whom I talked for an hour one day, certainly does 
not make the impression, either as a man or as a 
politician, that Croker makes, or Durham of Phila- 
delphia. But an outsider may easily go wrong on 
a point like this, and we may leave the credit where 


licago. 1 

a more forceful man than am ' guhtrt, and, 

aa a jmlitii MH, compare* with * II known lend. 

her'a powtr ii tin* peopl. I! 

much, hut there i* Mna- 

tl.Mig ebe deeper and bigger IH -hind dim. At the 
last alclcnnnnir election, when he discovered on tin- 
Saturday before election that the League wa rec- 
omiiM nding, against a bad Democrat, a worse Re- 
puhlican, he advised the people of that ward to vote 
socialist ; and the people did vote for the 
Socialist, and they elected him. Again, there is the 
press, the best in any of our large cities. There 

several newspapers in Chicago which have 
served always the |>n l rest, and their advice 

is taken 1 'I 

wielded before the League came, that old-fash- 
ioned power of the press which is supposed to have 
passed away. Indeed, <m finest exhihit ions 

dness in this whole reform story was 

of these newspapers giving up the individual 
power ami criit ul.ich their influence on puhlic 

on gave them, to the Leagtir, In-hind u 

stepped to get t .ind gain for the city 

what they lost themselves. But this paid them. 
They <li<l not <!. it with that moti\ 

t v, hut the citv has recognized the service, as 
shows: There are bad papers in (hi- 


cago papers that pedal interests and 

these don't pay. 

The agents of reform have been many am! * Hi 
cient, but back of them all was an intelligent, de- 
termined people, and they have decided. Tin- city 
of Chicago is ruled by the citi/ens of Chicago. 
Then why are the citi/ens of Chicago satisfied with 
half- reform? Why have they reformed the (\Hin- 
cil and left the administrative side of govern- 
ment so far behind? " One thing at a time," they 
will tell you out there, and it is wonderful t. 
them patient after seven years of steadfast, fight- 
ing reform. 

But that is not the reason. The administration 
has been improved. It is absurdly backward and 
uneven ; the fire department is excellent, the police 
is a disgrace, the law department is expert, the 
health bureau is corrupt, and the street cleaning is 
hardly worth mention. All this is Carter H. Har- 
rison. He is an honest man personally, but indo- 
lent; a shrewd politician, and a character with re- 
serve power, but he has no initial energy. Without 
ideals, he does only what is demanded of him. He 
does not seem to know wrong is wrong, till he is 
taught; nor to care, till criticism arouses his polit- 
ical sense of popular requirement. That SCUM is 
keen, but think of it: Every time Chicago wants 
to go ahead a foot, it has first to push its mayor up 

( mi \<,<) HAM I KI i t75 

l>\ iisrli. In : icago i a -it \ tlmt wants 

Iceland ' iion, with all hi* JMI! 

. honest willingness, and ol> mde- 

|M-|ldi MO, MIIIJ.U l'..ll..\*s it. Th l.'.l-'.l. 1. .id*. .Hid 

its 1, id. is undiTntand tlu-ir p< pl. Then why does 
League submit to Harritoa? Why doesn't DM? 
I iiiinid mayors as well as aldrrmen? It 

may some day ; but, setting out by accident to clean 
the Council, .stop the hoodling, and settle the city 
railway trouble*, they have been with 

Mayor Harrinon because he had learned his lesson 
on A: .1. I think, as they say the mayor 
thinks, that when the people of Chicago get the 
railways running with enough cars and power; 

i\r put a stop to boodling for* 
they will tnkr up the administrative side of the gor- 
rrnmrnt. A people who can support for seven 
years one movement toward reform, should be able 
to go on forever. With the hig boodle beaten, 

in easily be stopped. All 
will be needed then will be a mayor who under- 
. presents the Clt] ; he will IK- able to 
make Chicago as rare an example of good govern- 
ment as it is now of reform ; which will be an adver- 
tisement ; good business ; it will pay. 

Pott Scrip/urn, December, 1903. Chicago has 
taken up since administrative graft. The Council 


is conducting an investigation which is showing 
tlu city government to have been a second Minne- 
apolis. Mayor Harrison is helping, and the citi- 
zens are interested. There is little doubt that 
Chicago will be cleaned up. 


llll. TEST 

\i:\V YOHK > <,<>\l K\Ml NT TO 

i in II 

(Xorcmbcr. 190$) 

JUST about tin- tii .clc will appear, 

Greater New York will be holding a local 
on what has conic to be a national question- 
good government. No douht then will Ix- < 
44 issues." At this (September 15) the 

candidates were not named n<>r tlu- pint forms 
'ut tin regular politician* hate the main 
issue, ami tlu v have a pntt\ trick <>f confusing 
tin- lionet niin.l and splitting tlu- honest vote by 
raising u local issues" which would settle them 
selves under prolonged honest government. So, 
too, there will be some talk about the 
t this election mi^ht have upon the next 
Presidential election; miotlu-r clever fraud which 
seldom fails to work to tlu advantage of rings 
and grafters, and to the humiliation and despair 
n.xhip. We have- nothing to do with 
these deceptions. They may count in New Y 

. may determine the result, hut let them. They 
are common moves in the corrupt ionist's game, 
and, therefore, fair tests of citizenship, for hon- 


esty 18 not the sole qualification for an honest 
voter; intelligence has to play a part, too, and 
a little intelligence would defeat all such tricks. 
Anyhow, they cannot disturb us. I am writing 
too far ahead, and my readers, for the most part, 
will be reading too far away to know or care 
anything about them. We can grasp firmly the 
essential issues involved and then watch with 
equanimity the returns for the answer, plain yes 
or no, which New York will give to the only ques- 
tions that concern us all : * 

Do we Americans really want good govern- 
ment? Do we know it when we see it? Are we 
capable of that sustained good citizenship which 
alone can make democracy a success? Or, to 
save our pride, one other: Is the New York way 
the right road to permanent reform? 

For New York has good government, or, 
to be more precise, it has a good administra- 
tion. It is not a question there of turning 
the rascals out and putting the honest men 
into their places. The honest men are in, and 
this election is to decide whether they are to be 
kept in, which is a very different matter. Any 
people is capable of rising in wrath to overthrow 

* Tammany tried to introduce national issues, but failed, 
and "good government" was practically the only question 

tad rulers. Philadelphia has done that i 
day. New York ha* done it several timea. V 
fresh and present outrage* to avenge, particular 

ins to punish, and the mob sense of common 
anger to cxcit. -, it is an emotional gratification 

" out with the crowd and ** smash someth 
This in nothing I, ut revolt, and even monarchies' 
have uprising t<> the credit of their subjects. 

revolt is unt n form, and one revolutionary ion is not good government. That 
we free A M* are capable of such assertions 

of our sovereign power, we have proven; our 
lynchcrs are demonstrating it -very day. That 
we can go forth *ingly a No, ami, without passion, 
with nothing hut mild approval and ciull duty to 
impel us, vote intelligently to sustain a fairly 
good municipal ^o\ mm. ut, remains to be shown. 
Mi at !> what New York has the chance to 
show; New York, t 1 - xponent of the 

tnti-bad government movement 
for good governnient. 

According to this, the standard course of mu- 

il reform, the politicians are permitted to 
organize a party on national line-*, take over the 

rimcnt, corrupt and deceive the people, and 
run tilings for tl rofit of the boss and 

his ring, till t 1 ption beoomes rampant and 

a scandal. Th n the reformers comhine the oppo- 

TIIK SHAMI: oi' TIII-: rmi.s 

>ition: tin- corrupt and un-at i-fi. d minority, the 
di.s^nmtled groups of the majority, the reform 
organizations; they nominate a mixed ticket, 
headed by a "good business man" for mayor, 
make a "hot campaign" against the gov. rn 
mi-lit with " Stop, thief!" for the cry, and make 
a "clean sweep." Usually, this effects only the 
disciplining of the reckless grafters and the im- 
provement of the graft system of corrupt ^ r <>v- 
crmncnt. The good mayor turns out to be \\.-ak 
or foolish or " not so good." The politicians 
" come it over him," as they did over the business 
mayors who followed the "Gas Ring" revolt 
in Philadelphia, or the people become di-mi-ted 
as they did with Mayor Strong, who was carried 
into office by the anti-Tammany rebellion in New 
York after the Lexow exposures. Philadelphia 
gave up after its disappointment, and that is 
what most cities do. The repeated failun 
revolutionary reform to accomplish more than the 
strengthening of the machine have so discredited 
this method that wide-awake reformers in several 
cities Pittsburg, Cincinnati, Cleveland, Detroit, 
Minneapolis, and others are following the lead 
of Chicago. 

The Chicago plan does not depend for success 
upon any one man or any one year's work, nor 
upon excitement or any sort of bad government. 

M \\ 7OR1 00 \I.K\\1! VI 

The reformers there have no ward organizations, 
it all; their appeal is solely to the 
igence of the voter and their power rests 
upon that. This is democratic and polit 
not bourgeois ami business reform, and it i- 
teresting to i t whereas reformers elscwhcrd 

are forever Miking to concentrate all the powers 
in tli, mayor, thoM- < < ^o talk of stripping 

Mayor to a h\'tirvhcad an<l giving his powers 
o aldermen who represent the people, 

and who change year by year. 

The Chicago way is but one way, however, and 
v one, ami it must be remembered that tin, 
plan has not yet produced a good administra- 
New York has that. Chicago, after seven 
jean 9 steady work, has a body of aldermen hon- 
est .enough and competent to dc f< ml the city's 
' sts against boodl. capital, but that is about 
all; it lias a wretched administration. New York 
has stuck to the old way. Pr..\inciiil and self- 
center, (1, it hardly knows there is any other. 

* igo laughs and <>th< r < ities wonder, but never 
mind, New York, by persistence, has at last 
achieved a good administration. Will the New 
Yorkers continue it? That is the question. What 

* igo has, it has secure. 1 .>. ml. nt 
enship is trained to vote every time and to vote 
for uninteresting, good ald rim n. New York has 


nn independent vote of 100,000, a decisive minor 
ity, but the voters have been taught to vote only 
once in a long while, only when excited by pic- 
turesque lc;idi r liip and sensational exposures, 
only against. New York has been so far an 
anti-bad government, anti-Tammany, not a good- 
government town. Can it vote, without Tam- 
many in to incite it, for a good mayor? I think 
this election, which will answer this question, 
should decide other cities how to go about reform. 
The administration of Mayor Seth Low may 
not have been perfect, not in the best European 
sense: not expert, not co-ordinated, certainly not 
wise. Nevertheless, for an American city, it has 
been not only honest, but able, undeniably one 
of the best in the whole country. Some of the 
departments have been dishonest; others have been 
so inefficient that they made the whole adminis- 
tration ridiculous. But what of that? Corrup- 
tion also is clumsy and makes absurd mistakes 
when it is new and untrained. The " oaths " and 
ceremonies and much of the boodling of the St. 
Louis ring seemed laughable to my corrupt 
friends in Philadelphia and Tammany Hall, and 
New York's own Tweed regime was " no joke," 
only because it was so general, and so expensive 
to New York. It took time to perfect the 
" Philadelphia plan " of misgovemment, and it 

\i.\\ YORK'. GOOD G<)N I.KNMI N i 

took time to edu t-r and develop his Tam- 

IM in \ Hi I will tnkc time to evolve masters 
of t! tu<licd Art of muni 

government time and demand. So far there has 
been no market for municipal expert* in thi* 

'o-day in our 

well, ik In irt,,l u IN. : , mean, nidimen- 
tur iniM-.ill, .1 cnnimon liom^ ' D<> 

we really want it? CYrt/iinlv M i\.r Ix>w U 
peeuniarilx licuirst. H is more; he U con** 
and < (1 and pervonallj efB< 

!>usin-xH, I,,- rose above iv -^ to tin* 

in tin- conduct of mi intrr 

1 IOIIHO, two terms as mayor 

'.'<<>kl\ M, and t.. Again a very eJF< 

ndinSniNtrat ion, a* pnxiii.nt, of tin- business of 

' I He began lu< mayoralty 

*ith a study of the affairs of New York; he has 

liimsclf that li* : .t months to its 

i In- masti-n-d this department and U 

ndmittcd to It. tli. mast, r in <i< tail of i-yrry de- 

whirli has t-n^a^t-d his utti-nt ion. In 

Mr. Low has ' the business 

f New York; .just about competent now 

to brromr tin- mayor of a great city. Is there 

a dei r Mr. Low? 

No \\ n I made my inquiries before the 
; had begun the Fusion leaders of the anti- 

',S(> 'II 1 1: SIIA.Mi; OF THE CITI IS 
Tamman v forces, uh o nominated Mr. Low, said 
they might renominate him. " Who else was 
tin re?" they asked. And they thought In 

"might" be rc-eleeted. The alteniat i\e uas 

Richard Crokcr or Charles F. Murphy, his man, 
for no matter who Tammany's candidate for 
mayor was, if Tammany won, Tammany's boss 
would rule. The personal issue was plain enough. 
Yet was there no assurance for Mr. Low. 

Why? There are many forms of the answer 
^ivtn, but they nearly all reduce themselves to 
one the man's personality. It is not very en- 
gaging. Mr. Low has many respect ahle qual- 
ities, but these never are amiable. " Did you 
see his smile?" said a politician who was trying 
to account for his instinctive dislike for the 
mayor. I had; there is no laughter back of it, 
no humor, and no sense thereof. The appeal inrr 
human element is lacking all through. His good 
abilities are self-sufficient; his dignity is smug; 
his courtesy seems not kind; his self-reliance is 
called obstinacy because, though he listens, he 
seems not to care ; though he understands, he 
shows no sympathy, and when he decides, his 
reasoning is private. His most useful virtues 
probity, intelligence, and conscientiousness in 
action are often an irritation; they are so con- 
tented. Mr. Low is the bourgeois reformer type. 

NK\\ 5TOB >OD G0\l K\MIA I 

1 i where i promises he gets no cr< 

his concession* make tin- impression of surren- 
ders. A politician can say * 4 no " and make a 
>i, where Mr. Low will lose one bj saying 
M je> 1 and impersonal, he cools even his 

heads of departments. Loyal puhhc service they 
. because his tiwte in for men who would do 
licir own sake, not for his, and 
excellent - has had Hut 

ineiiilHT* of Mr. Low's nclministnitioii helped me 
.in; tin v could not help it. Mr. 
>| 1^ not 

But what of that? Why hlmuld Inn colleagues 

^miihl anybody likr him? Why 

.should hr si-,-k to ch.-iriiu win affection, and make 

di? Ho was elected to at tmd to the business 

of his office and to appoint subordinates who 

should attend to th.- business of their offices, not 

.akc "political stnn^th" and win elections. 

Will. i ro n -I. picturesque Dis- 

I t-y, whose si i intrll. 

sty made su: Ix>w two 

years ago, detests him as a bourgeois, hut the 

oralty is lu Id in New York to be a bourgeois 

office M Low is the ideal product of the New 

York theory that municipal go\ * is busi- 

ness, not politics, and that a business man who 

would manage tin ntv as he would a business 

corporation, would sol\- for us all our troubles. 
Chicago reformers think \sc have got to sohe 
our own problems; that government is political 
business; that men brought up in politics and 
experienced in public office will make- tin- best ad- 
ministrators. They have refused to turn from 
tluir politician mayor, Carter H. Harrison, for 
the most ideal business candidate, and I have 
heard them say that when Chicago was ripe for 
a better mayor they would prefer a candidate 
chosen from among their well-tried aldermen. 
Again, I say, however, that this is only one way, 
and New York has another, and this other is tin- 
standard American way. 

But again I say, also, that the New York way 
is on trial, for New York has what the whole 
country has been looking for in all municipal 
crises the non-political ruler. Mr. Low's very 
faults, which I have emphasized for the purpose, 
emphasize the point. They make it impossible 
for him to be a politician even if he should wish 
to be. As for his selfishness, his lack of tact, 
his coldness these are of no consequence. He 
has done his duty all the better for them. Admit 
that he is uninteresting; what does that matter? 
He has served the city. Will the city not vote 
for him because it does not like the way he smiles? 
Absurd as it sounds, that is what all I have heard 

\I.\V M)liK (100D ( 
against Low amounts to. But to reduce the tit- 

ii to u further absurdity, 1 t us 
aitogtth.r the personality Low. Let at 

suppose he has no smile, no courtesy, no dignity, 
no efficiency, no personality at all; nuppose he 
were an It and had not given New York a good 
admins ion, but had only honestly tried. 
What tl 

Taininaiix Hill? That is the alternative. The 
Tan r iliticians sec it just as clear as that, 

and they arc not in the habit of deceiving them- 
selves. They say " it is a Tammany year," 
44 Tammany's turn" They say it and they be- 

it. They study the people, and they know 
it is all a matter of citizenship: they admit 

< unimt win unless a goodly part of the in- 
dependent vote goes to them; and still they say 

can beat Mr. Low or any other man the 
anti-Tammany forces may nominate. So we are 
safe in eliminating Mr. Low and reducing the 
issue to plain Tammany. 

Tammany is bad government : not inethY 
hut dMionrst ; not a party, not a delusion and a 
snare, hardly known by its party name Democ- 
racy | little standing in the national coun- 
cil* of the party and caring little for influence 
ouNide of tlu city. Tammany is Tammany, the 
embodiment of corruption. All the world knows 

290 THE SIIAMi: or Till: CITIES 

and all the world may know what it is and \\hnt 
it is after. For hypocrisy is not a Tammany 
flOe. Taininaiiy is for Tammany, and the Tain 
many men say so. Oilier rings proclaim lies and 
make pretensions; other rogues talk about the 
tariff and imperialism. (Tammany i^ honestly 
dishonest. Time and time again, in private and 
in public', the leaders, hig and little, have ^aid 
they are out for themselves and their own; not 
for the public, but for "me and my friends"; 
not for New York, but for Tammany. Richard 
(Yokcr >aid under oath once that he worked for 
his own pockets all the time, and Tom Grady, 
the Tammany orator, has brought his crowds to 
their feet cheering sentiments as primitive, stated 
with candor as brutal. 

The man from Mars would say that such an 
organization, so self-confessed, could not be \ery 
dangerous to an intelligent people. Foreigners 
marvel at it and at us, and even Americans 
I Ynnsylvanians, for example cannot understand 
why we New Yorkers regard Tammany as so 
formidable. I think I can explain it. Tam- 
many is corruption with consent ; it is bad gov- 
ernment founded on the suffrages of the people. 
The Philadelphia machine is more powerful. It 
rules Philadelphia by fraud and force and does 
not require the votes of the people. The Philadel- 

\i \\ rou GOOD aovi.KNMi.N i 

in do n .- machine; their ma- 

votes for them. Tammany used to stuff 

the ballot boxes and mt;n..lit. \<>' 

ill\ n< Tammany! ^ 

rules, whin it rule*, by right of the votes of tbd 
people of New York. 

iiiinny corruption is democratic corruption. 
i I'iiil til< l|>ln.i ring is rooted in sp* 

its. Tiuiiinniiy, too, is allied with M vested 
hut T.imm.iny labors under disadvan- 
tages not knoun in Philadelphia. The Philadel- 
ring is of the same party that rules the 
I the- nation, ami the local rin^ forms a 
living chain with thr State and national rings. 
Tammany is a pun-lv local concern. With a 
ritv onlv in oM Ni-u York, it has not only 
to huy what it wants from th- Ht-puhliran ma- 
tv in the State, hut must trade to get the ( 
uholf ( ^ business everywhere I* 

of political corruption, ami it is one soul 

i <>! K ; hut most of the hif{ business 
resent. (1 in \.\\ York ha\i- no plants there.l 
OftVt- t! . and head omces, of many trusts 

ami railways, t'.r .xampK-, hut that is all. '1 

ait two railway terminals in . and but 

Always use them. These have to do more 

*ith Allmnv than New York. So with WaD 

PhihuUj.luVs stock exchange deak 


largely in Pennsylvania Mvurities, New York's in 
those of the \\hole Tinted States. There is a 
small Wall Street group that .spcciali/es in local 
corporations, and th \ an active and give Tam- 
many a Wall Street connection, but the biggest 
ami the majority of our financial leaders, hrihers 
though they may be in other cities and even in 
New York State, are independent of Tammany 
Hall, and can he honest citi/cns at home. From 
this class, indeed, \ u York can, and often does, 
draw some of its reformers. Not so Philadelphia. 
That bourgeois opposition which has persisted 
for thirty years in the fight against Tammany 
corruption was squelched in Philadelphia after its 
first great uprising. Matt Quay, through tin- 
banks, railways, and other business interests, was 
able to reach it. A large part of his power is 
negative; there is no opposition. Tammany's 
power is positive. Tammany cannot reach all the 
largest interests and its hold is upon the people. 
Tammany's democratic corruption rests upon 
jthe corruption of the people, the plain people, 
and there lies its great significance; its grafting 
system is one in which more individuals share than 
any I have studied. The people themselves get 
very little; they come cheap, but they are inter- 
ested. Divided into districts, the organization 
subdivides them into precincts or neighborhoods, 

\1 \\ \MliK (,<>Ml) 001 1 RKlfl 
an. I '!,. ir sovereign power, in the form of vote*. 
is Ix.u-ht D] lulu.-.-* and pM\ privilege*. 

I -1. r, win ti necessary, 

by iiitin t. it tin* lender 

have t)i. hecause they take can- 

own. They speak pleasant word*, smile fr 
Mni!- tin- baby, give ; 

or the S. MUM I, or a slap on tin- hark, find job*, 
most of (In-ill at tin ,-, hut they have 

^-stands peddling |ri\ih-r-, rnilrond and 
r huHinciui plan <; they permit 

violations of the law, and, if a man has broken 
tlu I.iu \\itli.uit permiMion, tee him through tlu- 

'rhou^h a blow in tin- face i a* n 
11 as a shake of tin- lunui. Tummany kindness 
is real kindness, and will go far, remember long, 
and tukr infinite trouhN- for a frii-ml. 

The power that is ^athrn-d uj> thus chen 
lik, garbages in tin- districts is concentrated in 
th (ii^trict 1. .i.l, r. who in turn passes it on 
through a general committee to the boss. This 
is a fonn of living government, ' gal, but 

Tery act I, though t uning* of it 

are pun !\ <! p at each stage 

into an auto. ! i ulelphia the boss ap- 

points a ' leader and gives him jmwer. 

Tammany has done that in two or three no 1 
instances, but never without causing at* 

29-* i in: si i. \ MI; OF THE CITIES 

light winch lasts often for years. In Philadel- 
phia the Statr boss designates the city boss. In 
V \\ York, Croker has failed signally to main- 
tain vice-bosses whom he appointed. The boss 
of Tamilian v Hall is a growth, and just as 
Crnker grew, so has Charles F. Murphy grown 
up to Croker's place. Again, whereas in Phil- 
adelphia the boss and his ring handle and keep 
almost all of the graft, leaving little to the dis 
trict leaders, in New York the district lenders 
share handsomely in the spoils. 

There is more to share in New York. It is 
impossible to estimate the amount of it, not only 
for me, but for anybody. No Tammany man 
knows it all. Police friends of mine say that 
the Tammany leaders never knew how rich police 
corruption was till the Lcxow committee e\j 
it, and that the politicians who had been content 
with small presents, contributions, and influence, 
" did not butt in" for their share till they saw 
by the testimony of frightened police grafters 
that the department was worth from four to five 
millions a year. The items are so incredible that 
I hesitate to print them. Devery told a friend 
once that in one year the police graft was " some- 
thing over $3,000,000." Afterward the syndi- 
cate which divided the graft under Devery took 
in for thirty-six months $400,000 a month from 

\l.\\ V()j iM.HNMI.Vl :: 

namlilinx and poolroom* alone. Saloon bribers, 
v house blttckumil, \> m\^ 

up to amazing proportions. 

V tent, and a de- 

partment that was overlooked bj Tammany for 
years. The annual budget < if about 

$100,000,000, and though the power that cornea 
of t f that amount is enormous 

and thr Mpp.,rtimitiri for rake-offs inl'mitr, thi* 
MUM is 11 df of the resource* of Tammany 

wln-ii it is in p..^ II resource* are the re- 
sources of tl is a business, as a polit 
at a social power. If Tain .1.1 IH i 
porated, and all its . . Imth l^iti 
ill.- gathertMi up and j 

la, tin- stockholders would get more than the 
New York ( nt nil bond and stock holdrr-, more 

th- StanJird Oil st.M-khnl.lrr>, and 
trolling cli<jur would u irld a po^ 

>f thr rilit.'il Statr>. I 

iii coi i* N -rk, takes out of the 

unIx -lirvahN- iiiillions of dollars a year. 
No wonder thr Ir.iders are all rich; no wond. r 
>o many more Tammany men an rich than are 
thr leaders in any other town; no wonder T 
many is liberal in its D of thr g] 

Croker took the best and the safest of it, find he 
accepted shares in others. He was " in on the 

-riii-: MIAMI; OF Tin: CITIES 

Wall Street end," and the Tammany clique of 
financing have knockrd doun and bought up at 
low prices Manhattan Railway stock by tlnvnts 
of the city's power over tin- road; they have been 
let in nn Metropolitan deals and on the Third 
A\emic Railroad grab; the Ice trust is a Tam- 
many trust; they have banks and trust com- 
panies, and through the New York Realty Com- 
pany are forcing alliances with such financial 
groups as that of the Standard Oil Company. 
Crnker shared in these deals and hu^im -^ ^. He 
sold judgeships, taking his pay in the form of 
contributions to the Tammany campaign fund, 
of which he was treasurer, and he had the judges 
take from the regular real estate exchange all 
the enormous real estate business that passed 
through the courts, and give it to an exchange 
connected with the real estate business of his firm, 
Peter F. Meyer & Co. This alone would main- 
tain a ducal estate in England. But his real 
estate business was greater than that. It had 
extraordinary legal facilities, the free advertising 
of abuse, the prestige of political privilege, all 
of which brought in trade; and it had advance 
information and followed, with profitable deals, 
great public improvements. 

Though Croker said he worked for his own 
pockets all the time, and did take the best of 


^mft, IM HIU not "hoggUh." Soroeof th. 
in tin | th Department of 

.*: $100,000,000 a year gc* uild- 

ing .JM ration* in New Yrk. All of thi, from 
out -house* to sky -scrapers, in to very 

precise laws on-., i,,,st of tliem wise, 

tome impotsil I'lu- Huilding : umt ha* 

the enforceii; !MM ; it passes upon all con- 

strurti<M . tuul juililif. at all stages, from 

plan-making to urinal romp! nn cause 

not onlv " nna\iil il.l. .1. lav," luit ran niiik 
at most profitable \ im\*. Arrhiti-cts and 
hniMiTs had to .stand in with tin- 

!Nd mi tin- ri^lit man and th-y s- 
on A seal, uhich was not fi\d, hut which gen- 

y was on the basis of th< department^ esti- 
mate of a fair half of the value of the a\in^ in 

or bad matt-rial. This brought in at least 
a bank. r\ p, TO nt.-ige on one hundred mi 
a year. Cmk. r, so far as I can make out, took 
none of tlM it was 1. 1 out to other leaders and 
was their own ^i 

District A* William Travrrs .!< rome has 

looked into the Dock Department, and he knows 
things which In- v< -t may pn> This is an im- 

portant in\rsti^.-it:nn for two reasons. It i* 
large graft, and the new Tammany leader, Charlie 
had it. New York wants to know 

more about Murphy, and it .should want to know 
about tlu- mana-rement ( ,f iu docks, since, just 
as other ritii-s li ;l \,- tlirir corrupt dealings with 
railways and their terminals, so New York's ^ 
terminal business is with steamships and docks. 
These docks should pay the city handsom. 1\ . 
Mr. .Murphy says they shouldn't; h< jx irtae, U 
Crokcr was before he became old and garrulous, 
and, as Tammany men put it, "keeps his mouth 
shut," but he did say that the docks should not. 
be run for revenue to the city, but for their own 
improvement. The Dock Board has exclusive 
and private and secret control of the expenditure 
of $10,000,000 a year. No wonder Murphy 
chose it. 

It is impossible to follow all New York graft 
from its source to its final destination. It is 
impossible to follow here the course of that which 
is well known to New Yorkers. There arc public- 
works for Tammany contractors. There arc pri- 
vate works for Tammany contractors, and cor- 
porations and individuals find it expedient to let 
it go to Tammany contractors. Tammany has a 
very good system of grafting on public work> : I 
mean that it is "good" from the criminal point 
of view and so it has for the fimiMiin^ of sup- 
plies. Low bids and short deliveries, generally 
speaking (and that is the only way I can speak 

here), is the method But the Tammany system, 
as a >. weak. 

Tammany men as grafters have a confldaoct 

in their methods and system, which, in the light 
of Mir! i <m as that of Philadelphia, is 

amusing, and the average New Yorker takes in 
" tli. organization" a queer sort of pride, * 
is ignorant and provincial. Tammany is 'way 

I the turn s. It if growing ; it has improved. 
In Tweed'* day the politicians stole from the city 
treasury, divided the money on the steps of the 

Hall, and, not only the leaders, big and 
little, I mt beckrs and outsiders; not only Tweed, 
hut ward carpenters robbed tl. not only 

politicians, but newspapers ami citizens wen 
mi th.- ili\\\." Vu y,.rk, not Tammany alone, 
was corrupt. \Vh. n the exposure came, and 
Tweed asked his famous question, " What arc you 

g to do about it? " tin- ring mayor, A. Oakcy 
Hall, asked another as significant. It was re- 
ported that suit was to be brought against the 
ring to recover stolen funds. ** Who is going 
to sue?" said Mayor Hall, who could not think 
of anybody of i cc sufficiently without sin 

irmv the first stone. Stealing was stopped 
and grafting was made more busincss-liki , hut 
still it was too general, and the boodling for the 
Broadway street railway franchise prompted a 


still closer grip on the business. The organiza- 
tion since then has been gradually concentrating 
tin- control of graft. Croker did not pr<> 
so far along the line as tlu- Philadelphia ring 
has, as the police scandals showed. After the 
Lexow exposures, Tammany took over that graf'l, 
but still let it go practically by districts, and 
tlu police captains still got a third. After the 
Ma/ft (\POMIKS, Devery became Chief, and the 
police graft was so concentrated that the- division 
was reduced to fourteen parts. Again, later, it 
was reduced to a syndicate of four or five men, 
with a dribble of miscellaneous graft for the 
police. In Philadelphia the police have nothing 
to do with the police graft ; a policeman may col- 
lect it, but he acts for a politician, who in turn 
passes it up to a small ring. That is the drift 
in New York. Under Devery the police officers 
got comparatively little, and the rank and file 
themselves were blackmailed for transfers and 
promotions, for remittances of fines, and in a 
dozen other petty ways. 

Philadelphia is the end toward which New York 
under Tammany is driving as fast as the lower 
intelligence and higher conceit of its leaders will 
let it. In Philadelphia one very small ring gets 
everything, dividing the whole as it pleases, and 
not all those in the inner ring are politicians. 

M.\\ YORE! GOOD <iu\| K\\I1 S I 
Trusting . they arc safe from ei- 

posurc, more powerful, more deliberate, and they 

wise a* | !*. When, as in N 

the number of grafters is Urge, thU delicate 
business U in some hands that are rapacious. 
The police graft, in I). \. -r\% daj t 

nut i-ontt -nt with the amounts collected from 
tin lii-r rieM, Tli. \ minor vice*, like 

Midi an extent that King 

was caught mid iient to prion, and Dev 
w.' (il.ini.iri. .i^ |.MN|I..| mt,. .. ti^jht .1 

hole tl> at tin-re was danger that 1 > rnvy 

! would ^i t paxt (i!. IIIHIII to Deverj and 
the sjndi Tin- inn nlor of a wit nets the night 
he was in the Tenderloin JM> ion enred to 

save the day. Hut, worst of all, Tammany, the 
" frii-nd nf t! i the organization 

of a band of so-cnll< d ( .idrts, who made a business, 
imdrr tin- prottrtinn f tin- pnlirr, of ruining tin- 

.Jitrrs of tin- tmcments and even of catt 
and jinpriMiiiiiig in disorderly houso . .-s of 

poor mm. Thix horrid tr.itlic n.\.r was \|Msd; 
;iot Iw. N'icious women were 

** pla i t.ii.iiMiit houses ami (I know this 

personal hildren of decent parents counted 

<>mcrs, witnessed tlu-ir transactions with 
these nvatun-s, and, as a father told with shame 
and trars, n ported totals at the family tn ! 

Tammany leaders are usually the natural 
leaders <>f the people in tlu-sr districts, and they 
are originally good-natured, kindly men. No one 
has a more .si nre re liking than I for some of those 
common but generous fellows; their charity is 
real, at first. Hut they .sell out their own people. 
They do give them coal and help them in their pri- 
vate troubles, but, as they grow rich and power- 
ful, the kindness goes out of the charity and they 
not only collect at their saloons or in rents cash 
for their " goodness "; they not only ruin fathers 
and sons and cause the troubles they relieve ; they 
sacrifice the children in the schools; let the Health 
Department neglect the tenements, and, worst of 
all, plant vice in the neighborhood and in the 
homes of the poor. 

This is not only bad; it is bad politics; it has 
defeated Tammany. Woe to New York \\hn 
Tammany learns better. Honest fools talk of the 
reform of Tammany Hall. It is an old hope, this, 
and twice it has been disappointed, but it is not 
vain. That is the real danger ahead. The reform 
of a corrupt ring means, as I have said before, the 
reform of its system of grafting and a wise consid- 
eration of certain features of good government. 
Croker turned his " best chief of police," William 
S. Devery, out of Tammany Hall, and, slow and old 
as he was, Croker learned what clean streets were 

from * i| hem. Now there 

ii a new bos-. . Charles F. Murphy, 

ami link! II look* d8OM 

I. ut I,,- net-* uitl .lecision, and skill. The 

new mayor will I., hi* man. He may divide ith 
Crokcr and leave to the " dl his accu- 

tomed graft, hut M . r -phy nil! ml. Tam- 

many and, if Tammany U elected, New York alto. 
I >. Nixon is ur^in^ Murphy puhlirly, ai I 
declare against the police scandal* and all 
the worst practices of Tammany. Lewis Nixon is 
an horn-jit man, hut he was one of the men Croker 

f Tammany Hall. And 

ijncd Mr. Nixon said that he foutul 

ulil not k )> that leadership and his 

N M \ i xon is a type of the man 

who thinks Tammany would be fit to rule New 

Y<>rk if thr or^Hiii/ation would " 

As a New Vnrkrr, I fear Murphy will prove sa- 
gacious enough to do just that: ittop the scan- 
put all the graft in tin- hinds of a few 
I and tru< mm, and give th< rity what it 
would call good government. Murphy says he will 
nominate for mayor a man so "good" that his 
goodness will astonish New York. I don't fear 
a bad Tammany mayor; I dread the election 
of a good one. For I have been to Phila- 

no* TIM: si i. \ MI: OF THE CITIES 

Philadelphia had a had ring mayor, a man who 
promoted the graft and caused scandal after scan 
dal. The leaders there, the wisest political graft- 
ers in this country, learned a great lesson from 
that. A8 one of them said to me : 

" The American people don't mind grafting, but 
tlu-y hate scandals. They don't kick so much on a 
jiggered public contract for a boulevard, but they 
want the boulevard and no fuss and no dust. We 
want to give them that. We want to give them 
what they really want, a quiet Sabbath, safe 
streets, orderly nights, and homes secure. They 
let us have the police graft. But this mayor was a 
hog. You see, he had but one term and he could 
get his share only on what was made in his tenn. 
He not only took a hog's share off what was com- 
ing, but he wanted everything to come in his term. 
So I'm down on grafting mayors and grafting 
office holders. I tell you it's good politics to have 
honest men in office. I mean men that are person- 
ally honest." 

So they got John Weaver for mayor, and hon- 
est John Weaver is checking corruption, restoring 
order, and doing a great many good things, which 
it is " good politics " to do. For he is satisfying 
the people, soothing their ruffled pride, and recon- 
ciling them to machine rule. I have letters from 
friends of mine there, honest men, who wish me to 

.s itne* to the goodMM of Major Weaver I 


leaden are as carvful with Major Weaver a* thej 

have been and let him continue to give to the end \/ 

at good government as he baa given to far, th 

uKlphm , f K rnft trill UU and 

< It- 1 phi a will never again be a free American 

.uli-lphiii nml N-w York began about the 
Mime time, some thirty years ago, 

rnmenU. 1'hihult Iphiii got M good gov- 
nun. lit " what the Phihuli-lpliians call good 
from ,-i corrupt rin^j niui quit, Mitisfied to be a cn- 
id a disgrace to democracy. 
New York haa gone on fighting, advancing and re- 
treating. f<>r thirty years, till now it ha* achieved 
the beginnings, under Mayor Low, of a gov- 
ernment for tlu- people. Do the New Yorkers 
know it? Do they care? They are Americans, 

I and typical; do we Americans really want 
good govermm nt ? Or, as I said at starting, have 
they worked for thirty years along the wrong road 

-ded with unlmppy American cities the 
road to Philadi -Iphi.-i .uul despair? 

Post .SYri/>fum: Mayor Low was nominated on 
thr Fusion tick. t. Tammany nominated George 
B. McClellan. The local corporations contrib- 

uted heavily to the Tammany campaign fund 
and tlu people of New York elected the Tun 
many ticket by a drrism- majority of 62,(><N). 
The vote was: McCKllan, 314,782; 






No novel of New \ y has ever por- 

trayed M> faith fully or so vividly our new world 
tarn the Hi-thing. rushing New York of 
to-day, to which all the world looks with such 
carious interest Mr. Towiwend, given u not a 
picture, but the bustling, nerve-racking pageant 
itself. The titan straggle* in the world of 
finance, the huge hoaxes in msaHnnal news- 
paoefdom, the gay life of the theatre, opera, 

ami r-t.uir:int, and tlu-n tin- ralim-r ami mm- 

l*-iin< Ji,,--, a -|t.- , -^ ^li iilaii 1i.. 

lorting oxNDestic toenec 01 wikfieeoipc living, 
pass, as actualities, before our very eyes. I 
tins turbulent maelstrom of ambition, he finds 
room tor love and romance also. 
There is a bountiful array of characters, admi- 
rably drawn, and especially delightful are the 
two emotional and excitable lovers, young Ban- 
iii-ti-r and Gertrude Carr. The book is unlike 
! >"( lumiiiieFadden w ui everything 
but its intimate knowledge of New York life. 

Oath. lmo $1.40 

QftClurc, pljillipjJ & 

8. Connn 

Author of "The Adventures of Sherlock I Mines" 



STORIES of the remarkable adventures of a 
BriLjadit -r in Napoleon's army. In Ktienne Ge- 
rard, Connn I)o\le has added to his alr adv famous 
gallery of characters one \\orthv to stand beside 
the notable Sherlock Holmes. Many and thrill- 
ing are Gerard's adventures, as related In himself. 
for he takes part in nearly every one of Napoleon s 
campaigns. In Venice he has an interesting 
romantic < scajxide which causes him the loss of 
an ear. With the utmost bravery and eunnirg 
he captures the Spanish city of Saragossa ; in 
Portugal he saves the army ; in Russia he feeds 
the starving soldiers by supplies obtained at 
Minsk, after a wonderful ride. Everwhere else 
he is just as marvelous, and at Waterloo he is the 
center of the whole battle. 

For all his lumbering vanity he is a genial old 
soul and a remarkably vivid story-teller. 

Illustrated by W. B. Wollen. 


jHcClurc, $l)iUipsf & Co, 

tanlrp 3- 

Author erf A GartiNMa of KIMK 

1 ill. I ONC Mi. II I 


ruffling young thn * t.. tf,. ity ; a 

beautiful and innocent . 

craft ; a crafty K-boUr 

r Sam- 

aitl* ; klrrti ami |Miwrnul ytMJir whom thr 
rhoUr begun 'ny hU ottce by ii<iiton 

of an rhur whirh tlull Mvr him fron his f-ul 
; a bruUl ldirr of fortune ; tbttc an 
of ln<h \\rynwui luu cunipuMrd the 
-,l and tlmlh,,- of bit raoancrm. 


find at Ust hit op|M h. n 

men of Savor an- lu "<! within 

Geneva*> wall*, atul in a m. urlwind figbt- 

log tares !,, , ty by hU courage and addreat. 
For fire and spirit there an n in 

roodrn. ht. r.ttirr noeb at Uiote which | 
splendid defence of Genera, by the staid, churrhly , 
heroic burghers, fi^litm^ in their own bit M id under 
....l,-rsl,i|. ,.|" tin- - mdi- 

ebon. and thr lutii(l\ Irgged sailor, jrhan Hrosse, 
wtm . ! Ir against the armed and armored >mnn J. Solomon. 

$i r>o 



Author of "The Sowers." etc. 


J. HE story is set in those desperate days when 

tin- ebbing tide of Napoleon's fortunes swept 
Kurope \\ith desolation. Barla>< \\ "I 
Itarlosch of the duard, Italy, Egypt, tin- Dan- 
ube" a veteran in the Little ( 'm ; 
is the dominant figure of the story. (Quar- 
tered on a distinguished family in the historic 
town of Dant/ig, he Ln\rs hi^ life to the ron 
of Desiix ; e, the daughter of the family, and Louis 
d'Arragon, \shose cousin vhi- ha> marrird and 
parted with at the church door. Louis's M 
with Barlasch for the missing ( harles pvesan 
un forgettable picture of the terrible retreat from 
Russia; and as a companion picture there is tin- 
heroic defence of Dant/iir by Kapp and his httli- 
army of sick and starving. At the last Bar- 
lasch, learning of the death of Charles, plans 
and executes the escape of Desiree from the 
beleaguered town to join Louis. 
Illustrated by the Kinneys. 

SI. 50 

& Co. 

Author of The CardtoaTt Banff BOB " 

MY i KiiAD I'Kosi'KUo 


EVERYTHING that has ever delighted you 

in Mr. Ilarland's work is to be found a 
best in My /*nuptro. Mr. HnrUnd 

luces us again to the lovcm' Italy of blue 
skies and man-clous landscit, 1 

takes place in a magnificent Austrian castle in 
iiern Italy, and the hero, whose real name 
1m, is an Kn^li-lunaii MM h a u 

iglishman as only M 1 1 .rhmd 

can create. Tne heroine is the beautiful Maria 

Dolores, an Austrian Princess, who is quite 

.itrh in joyous fancy and ijimmtneai 

.t. The dialogue is contagious in its 

unor, and the book ripples with 

laugh i U'^i uning to end. 

Radiant in literary styl. The book must he 

read to appreciate the author's dclicm. 

recording the prayer and wit of love in conversation. 
1 this novel we have the lovers' Italy. 

AW York /.'tvuray Pott. 

As continuously and unflagging!/ witty as anything 
that hai appeared in a long ttSLT t>Kl<i4rK. cpH 


jHcClurc, pQtlKpjS & Co. 

Author of Golden Fleece." 


A STUDY in the tyranny of wealth. James 
(ialloway founds his fortune on a fraud. He 
ruins the man who Iris befriended him and steals 
away his business. Vast railroad operations next 
elaira his attention. He becomes a bird of pr. v 
in the financial world. One by one he forsakes 
his principles; he becomes a hypocrite, posing, 
even to himself. With the d -generation of hK 
moral character come domestic troubles. His 
wife grows to despise him. One of his sons be- 
comes a spendthrift; the other a forger. His 
daughter, Helen, alone retains any affection for 
him. His attempts to force his family into tin- 
most exclusive circles subject him and them to 
mortifying rebuffs, for all his millions cannot over- 
come the ill-repute of his name. At last, with his 
hundred millions won, his house the finest in 
America, his name a name to conjure with in the 
financial world, he realizes that the goal he has 
reached was not worth the race. Still he clings 
to his old ways, and dies in a fit of anger, haggling 
over his daughter's dowry. $1.50. 





>e shtM of th. citl.s